This Day in Goodlove History, June 5

• This Day in Goodlove History, June 5

• By Jeffery Lee Goodlove

• jefferygoodlove@aol.com

•

• Surnames associated with the name Goodlove have been spelled the following different ways; Cutliff, Cutloaf, Cutlofe, Cutloff, Cutlove, Cutlow, Godlib, Godlof, Godlop, Godlove, Goodfriend, Goodlove, Gotleb, Gotlib, Gotlibowicz, Gotlibs, Gotlieb, Gotlob, Gotlobe, Gotloeb, Gotthilf, Gottlieb, Gottliebova, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlow, Gutfrajnd, Gutleben, Gutlove

•

• The Chronology of the Goodlove, Godlove, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlieb (Germany) etc., and Allied Families of Battaile, (France), Crawford (Scotland), Harrison (England), Jackson (Ireland), LeClere (France), Lefevre (France), McKinnon (Scotland), Plantagenets (England), Smith (England), Stephenson (England?), Vance (Ireland from Normandy), and Winch (England, traditionally Wales), including correspondence with -George Rogers Clarke, George Washington, and Thomas Jefferson.

•

• The Goodlove/Godlove/Gottlieb families and their connection to the Cohenim/Surname project:

• New Address! http://www.familytreedna.com/public/goodlove/default.aspx

•

• This project is now a daily blog at:

• http://thisdayingoodlovehistory.blogspot.com/

• Goodlove Family History Project Website:

• http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/g/o/o/Jeffery-Goodlove/

•

• Books written about our unique DNA include:

• “Abraham’s Children, Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People” by Jon Entine.

•

• “ DNA & Tradition, The Genetic Link to the Ancient Hebrews” by Rabbi Yaakov Kleiman, 2004.



“Jacob’s Legacy, A Genetic View of Jewish History” by David B. Goldstein, 2008.

•

• My thanks to Mr. Levin for his outstanding research and website that I use to help us understand the history of our ancestry. Go to http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/ for more information. “For more information about the Weekly Torah Portion or the History of Jewish Civilization go to the Temple Judah Website http://www.templejudah.org/ and open the Adult Education Tab "This Day...In Jewish History " is part of the study program for the Jewish History Study Group in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

•

A point of clarification. If anybody wants to get to the Torah site, they do not have to go thru Temple Judah. They can use http://DownhomeDavarTorah.blogspot.com and that will take them right to it.





The details for the GOODLOVE FAMILY REUNION were mailed Apr 9, 2011. If you haven't received the information and want to attend, please e-mail 11Goodlovereunion@gmail.com to add your name to the mailing list. RSVP's are needed by May 10.

Goodlove Family Reunion

Sunday, June 12, 2011

Pinicon Ridge Park, Central City, Iowa

4729 Horseshoe Falls Road, Central City, Iowa 52214

319-438-6616

www.mycountyparks.com/County/Linn/Park/Pinicon-Ridge-Park

The plans at the 2007 reunion were to wait 5 years to meet again. But hey, we are all aging a bit, so why wait: Because it was so hot with the August date, we are trying June this year. We hope that you and your family will be able to come. This is the same location as 2007 and with the same details. The mailing lists are hard to keep current, so I’m sure I have missed a lot of people. Please ask your relatives if they have the information, and pass this on to any relative who needs it.

Horseshoe Falls Lodge 8 AM to 8 PM. We will set up and clean up (although help is nice).

Please sign the Guest Book. Come early, stay all day, or just for a while.

Food- Hy-Vee will cater chicken & Ham plus coffee/iced tea/lemonade. Please bring a vegetable, appetizer, salad, bread or dessert in the amount you would for any family dinner. For those coming from a distance, there are grocery stores in Marion for food and picnic supplies.

Dinner at Noon. Supper at 5 PM. Please provide your own place settings.

Games-Mary & Joe Goodlove are planning activities for young & ‘not so young’. Play or watch. The Park also has canoes and paddle boats (see website for more information).

Lodging- The park does have campsites and a few cabins. Reservations 319-892-6450 or on-line. There are many motels/hotels in Marion/Cedar Rapids area.

The updated Family tree will be displayed for you to add or modify as needed.

Family albums, scrapbooks or family information. Please bring anything you would like to share. There will be tables for display. If you have any unidentified Goodlove family photos, please bring those too. Maybe someone will bhe able to help.

Your RSVP is important for appropriate food/beverage amounts. Please send both accepts & regrets to Linda Pedersen by May 10.

Something new: To help offset reunion costs (lodge rental/food/postage), please consider a donation of at leat $5 for each person attending. You may send your donation with your RSVP or leave it ‘in the hat’ June 12.

Hope to hear from you soon and see you June 12.

Mail

Linda Pedersen

902 Heiler Court

Eldridge, IA 52748

Call:

563-285-8189 (home)

563-340-1024 (cell)

E-mail:

11goodlovereunion@gmail.com

Pedersen37@mchsi.com



In a message dated 6/2/2011 11:01:37 A.M. Central Daylight Time, newsletter@fvjn.org writes:





I Get Email!

DID YOU KNOW...?”

Shavu'ot

This year, Shavu'ot, the Festival of Weeks, starts at sundown June 7. Shavu'ot commemorates the time when the first fruits were harvested and brought to the Temple. Historically, it celebrates the giving of the Torah at Mount Sinai.

Want to learn more about Shavu'ot and other Jewish holidays? Visit: http://www.jewfaq.org/index.htm



FVJN NEWS

Swedish Days

This year, Geneva’s Swedish Days festival will be June 21-26. Read all about it at: www.genevachamber.com/swedishdays.html. This is the largest annual fundraising event for FVJN, and your help is needed to make it a success! Visit www.fvjn.org, click the Swedish Days link and follow the directions for signing up.





Sabbath Services

Join us on June 10 at 7:30 p.m. for a short service and oneg (refreshments) at the lovely Peck Farm, located at 4038 Kaneville Rd, in Geneva (west of Randall on the south side of Kaneville and Peck Rd).



We will be meeting at the Orientation Barn, located southeast of the parking lot, and south of the main house.







June 587 B.C.

In June 587 B.C. Ezekiel prophesied the destruction of Egypt. Ezekiel 31:1-18.[1]

June 5, 70 A.D. : Titus and his Roman legions breach the middle wall of Jerusalem.[2]

June 5, 1257: Kraków, Poland receives city rights. Jews were probably among the earliest settlers of Krakow which was settled by traders from Germany. Jews had been moving to Poland from Germany since the days of the Crusades. Certainly there was a Jewish population in the town by the middle of the 14th century since the oldest synagogue in the town dates from a visit from Casimir the Great.[3]



June 5, 1305: Raymond Bertrand de Got is elected Pope under the name Clement V. According to Elizabeth D. Malissa, “Pope Clement V is the first pope to threaten Jews with an economic boycott in an attempt to force them to stop charging Christians interest on loans.”[4]

1306 Jews expelled from France, many going to Provence and Spain.[5]

1306: Because of the actions of the Scottish King, Robert the Bruce in 1306, the same Pope that condemned the Templars, also decreed that Scotland was no longer a part of the Catholic Church. Robert the Bruce had killed a rival in Church and was excommunicated. The Pope had expected that his barons would rise up against him, they didn’t. They were excommunicated. The country didn’t rise up either so the whole country was excommunicated. Robert the Bruce declares war against the British at a time when the Templars have little reason to love England. [6]

The Catholic Church was investigating charges that the Knights Templar was committing heresy. There were charges of sexual deviancy, and worship of other Gods was made. It was an opportunity for King Phillip to rid himself of the Knights.[7]





June 5, 1758:

On July 24, 1754, Lawrence Harrison and his wife Catherine, of Orange County, Virginia, conveyed for currency, to William McWilliams, the younger, of Fredericksburg, merchant, 157 acres of land in Orange County, on the south side of Wysel Run,. which is a part of a patent granted to Andrew Harrison, September 28, 1728, and by the said Andrew Harrison conveyed by deed, 1751, to his son, the said Lawrence Harrison.*

After the sale of the above-mentioned property, in Orange County, Virginia, Lawrence Harrison and his wife Catherine removed to ‘Win­chester, Virginia, where they purchased 346 acres of land from Jacob Heit, of the County of Frederick, Colony of Virginia. - The deed cover­ing this transaction bears date June 5, 1758.[8]



HEIT to HARRISON

This Indenture, June 5, 1758, between Jacob Heit of the County of Frederick, Colony of Virginia, of the first part, and Lawrence Harrison, of the said County and Colony, of the second part: WITNESS: For and in consideration of the sum of two shillings,, current money -of Virginia

~ tract or parce1 of land being in the County of Frederick 346 acres . . . granted to Jacob Heit by deed from the honorable,

the Proprietor of the Northern neck, bearing the date of March, 1752, bounded as by survey thereof, made by Mr. Guy Broadwater, as followeth: Beginning at a stake . . . standing in the line of Henry Lloyd, thence extending N. 85°, W. 84 Poles to a stake, thence 150 W., 160 . . . to a stake. . . etc. . to have and to hold. One year hence, -to be completely paid for and ended, yielding and paying therefor the rental . . . one ear of Indian corn, to the said Jacob Heit, on the last day of the said term.



Witness (Signed) Jacob Heit

James Chew

John Smith[9]



HARRISON to TULLIS



THIS INDENTURE, made August 2, 1762, between Lawrence Harrison, of the County of Frederick and Colony of Virginia, of the first part, and Moses Tullis, of the same . . . second part . . . Witness: For, five shillings, current money of Virginia . . to said Lawrence. Harrison, in hand paid by Moses Tullis . . . doth grant . . . said tract lying in the County aforesaid, granted to Jacob Heit, by deed under the hand and seal of the Right Honorable Thomas, Lord Fairfax, bearing date 1752 by transfer by Jacob Heit to Lawrence Harrison, bearing date June 5, 1758.

(Signed) Lawrence Harrison



THIS INDENTURE, August 3, 1762, between Lawrence Harrison and Katherine, his wife, in the County of Frederick, Colony of Virginia, of the first part, and Moses Tullis, of the same, of the second part.

This for and in consideration of the sum of two hundred pounds current money of Virginia, paid in hand to Lawrence Harrison and his wife, by Moses TuIlis.

(Signed) Lawrence Harrison.

Catherine Harrison[10]



On June 5, 1764 David Vance and wife Janet sold 288 acres in Hampshire County, Virginia (now West Virgina) to Bryan Bruin. Apparently the deed was never recorded. However, on September 14, 1767 in Hampshire County, Virginia (now West Virginia) Bryan Bruin sold a large tract of land on Green Spring Run to John Mitchel. The tract consisted of seven parcels that Bryan Bruin had purchased from different people. One of those seven parcels had been purchased from David and Janet Vance. The deed stated described that parcel as: "288 acres which was granted to David Vance by Deed from the Proprietor of the Northern Neck bearing the date of April 14, 1762, and the said David Vance and Janet, his wife, conveyed to the said Bryan Bruin by Deeds of Lease and Release bearing date the days of June 4 and 5, 1764." [11]

June 5, 1765

At a Court continued and held for Frederick County the 5th day of June, (June 5) 1765.

This last will and testament of Richard Stephenson[12] deceased was produced in court by Honor Stephenson, John Stephenson and Hugh Stephenson the execurtrix and executors therein named who made oath that the date and the same being proved by the oaths of Humphry Wells, George McCormick and Joseph Beeler three of the witnesses thereto and ordered to be recorded and on the motion of the said Honree, John and Hugh who entered into bond with Thomas Speake, Humphry Wells, John Hardin and David Shepherd their securities in the penalty of Three Thousand pounds conditioned for their due and faithful administration of the estate certificate is granted them for obtaining a probate in due form.[13]



June 5, 1776: At the time of his death General Mercer was about fifty-six

years of age. On his tombstone, erected by the Saint Andrew's

Society, we find a record of his life. He was a native of Aber-

deen in Scotland, an assistant surgeon in a Highland regiment

in Charles Edward's army on the disastrous battlefield of CuUo-

den, April i6, 1746 ; recipient of a medal from the Corporation

of Philadelphia for his courage in the assault against the Indian

settlement of Kittanning, on the Allegheny River, where he was

severely wounded ; the companion of Washington in the Army

of General Forbes at the reduction of Fort Duquesne ; a physician

of Fredericksburg, Virginia, a man distinguished for his skill

and learning, his gentleness and decision, his refinement and

humanity, his elevated honor and his devotion to the great cause

of civil and religious liberty. General Mercer was a Minute

Man in 1775, an organizer of Continental regiments in 1776 and

Congress promoted him June 5, 1776, from a colonel of the Third

Virginia regiment to the rank of a general officer. A few

months afterward " he poured out his blood for a Generous Prin-

ciple." His patriotism is fully evinced in his remark in the

Virginia House of Burgesses when he offered his services for

the war, — " Hugh Mercer will serve his adopted country and the

cause of liberty in any rank or station to which he may be ap-

pointed."[14]





June 5, 1777

“At five o’clock in the morning [the regiment] was embarked on three transport ships in the North River…

“In addition to our regiment, the Leib and Mirbach Regiments, which three regiments made the brigade of Major General von Stirn, and several English regiments, were also embarked, so that our corps consisted of 4,000…” [15]



June 5, 1777

Rueffer’s account then resumes on 5 June. “Yesterday’s orders were carried out this morning when ... our regiment was sent aboard the assigned ships ... Jenny ... New Blessing ... Mermaid ... Lord Howe and we sailed from New York on [7 June].[16]

June 5, 1780 to January 14, 1781



June 5, 1780: Winch, Thomas (also given Thomas, Jr.).List of 6 months men raised agreeable to resolve of June 5, 1780, returned as received of Maj. Joseph Hosmer, Superintendent for Middlesex Co., by Justin Ely, Commissioner, dated Springfield; also, descriptive list of men raised to reinforce the Continental Army for the term of 6 months, agreeable to resolve of June 5, 1780, returned as received of Justin Ely, Commissioner, by Brig. Gen. John Glover[17], at Springfield, July 14, 1780; age, 18 yrs.; stature, 5 ft. 8 in.; complexion, ruddy; engaged for town of Framingham; marched to camp July 14, 1780, under command of Capt. Hancock; also, Private, Capt. Abel Holden's (Light Infantry) co., 6th Mass. regt.; pay roll for July, 1780; enlisted July 14, 1780; also, Capt. Peter Clayes's co., 6th Mass. regt.; pay roll for August and September 1780; also, pay roll for 6 months men raised by the town of Framingham for service in the Continental Army during 1780; marched July 10, 1780; discharged January 14, 1781; service, 6 mos. 14 days; also, account showing money paid by Benjamin Heywood, Paymaster, 6th Mass. regt., to the 6 months levies in said regiment from August 1, 1780, to the time of their discharge; Capt. Clayes's co.; date of payment, January 14, 1781.[18]





[June 5, 1782—Wednesday]

As the first light of dawn filtered through the island of woods, Col. Crawford’s army was not in good shape. Three of their wounded had died during the night, and three of the 19 remaining wounded were close to death. The men were haggard and hollow-eyed, few of them having gotten any sleep at all because of the sporadic whooping and shooting from the Indians during the night, each time causing the Americans to brace themselves for a full-scale attack that never developed. Morale had sunk to a low ebb and was not helped when it was discovered that sometime during the night 15 of the volunteers from Washington County had deserted and, evidently through plain dumb luck, had managed to slip unseen through the Indian lines and gotten away. Hearing this, Pvt. Thomas Mills quickly went to check where his big gray gelding was picketed, fearful they had stolen it, and was inordinately relieved to find the horse still there.

With the coming of daylight, the shooting picked up again, at first “by little flirts,” as Pvt. Stephen Burkarn put it, but soon on full battle scale. The situation was not good; Indians had once again infiltrated into the southeastern portion of the grove and the lack of water was critical, the lack of ammunition serious.

In midmorning Col. Crawford held a council with his principal officers, who were divided in their opinions as to what should be done at this point. Col. Williamson strongly believed that the first order of business should be to drive the Indians out of the lower end of the woods. He suggested that he lead 50 men to hit them from within the woods, while Maj. John Rose, with 150 men on the best remaining horses, simultaneously charge the Indians’ flank. Maj. Rose was agreeable to the plan but, after considerable discussion Col. Crawford vetoed the idea, declaring it to be little more than a suicide mission that, in the end, would accomplish little and would result in the loss of many good American lives.

All the while the fighting continued on the perimeter of the woodland, though without much apparent effect on either side. Volunteers hidden behind trees watched for and shot at any Indians they could pinpoint in the grasses, while return fire from the dense growth kept them constantly pinned down behind their trees. Though most of the shooting was ineffective, a few Indians were seen to be hit, and one of the Negroes who had come with the British from Detroit and was fighting alongside the Indians, was killed when a ball from one of the volunteers struck him in the left temple and blew away the whole right side of his head. A few balls from the Indians found their marks among the volunteers as well. Pvt. John Orr was one of the first to be hit this second day of the battle, a ball slamming through his right side just below the rib cage. He was carried by comrades to the knoll to be treated by Dr. Knight, who had just finished bandaging a fairly severe wound in the upper left arm of Orr’s own battalion commander, Maj. John McClelland.

“Just dropped by, Major,” gasped Orr through his pain, “to see how you were doing.” His attempted smile was largely a failure.

“I’m all right, son, and we’re going to get you home, I promise you.”

The fighting continued in a desultory manner throughout the day, but with little effect. Along about midafternoon the Indians began hurling verbal threats toward the woods. After a while the threats tapered off and the Indians, acting almost as if they were drunk, began exposing themselves to view rather recklessly, at the same time actually beginning to parley, telling the Americans that if they gave up, they would not be harmed. The volunteers scoffed at this, of course, and shouted back that they would never give themselves up to an army of Indians and slaves.

The shooting having tapered off to a large extent, many of the soldiers retired deeper into the woods and were either catching naps or baking stick bread and roasting chunks of bacon over campfires and stuffing food into their saddlebags. Many of them talked about running off during the night, as the group from Washington County had done the previous night.



[19]

The battle seemed to have become a stalemate, but that did not last long. Throughout the day small groups of Indians arrived from different quarters to aid in fighting the Americans, and along about sunset the Shawnees showed up under their war chief, Shemeneto. Some 200 strong, they were garishly painted with whirls and stripes of red, blue, white and ocher on their faces and bare chests. The Wyandots and Delawares greeted them with evident enthusiasm and the groups intermingled at a distance. Soon the Shawnees, trailed by some of their allies, approached the grove, waving a solid red flag and giving vent to exuberant whoopings. They aligned themselves for a considerable distance along the north flank and then began an odd ritual. One of the warriors at the far end of the line raised his gun and shot it skyward, and then others did the same in succession, with only about a second or two between shots, the firing becoming a ripple effect that went clear down the line to the other end. The volunteers had no idea what was going on, and Pvt. Angus McCoy thought it was a superstitious act—that they were firing at the sun to put it out so they could attack the Americans in the dark. Maj. Rose, however, knew that was not the case; he had seen this sort of thing before and explained:

“It is,” he said, “what the French call a fen de joie—a fire of joy—actually, something of an act of defiance. The Shawnees must have seen Frenchmen doing this at some time or another. In doing this, they are flaunting their strength, showing us they have gunpowder and lead to waste and that there is no escape for us. It is, in effect, a celebration of our impending death.”

Immediately upon its conclusion, the firing at the grove broke out again from all the loudly shrieking Indians, as strongly as it had been since the beginning of the battle, and volunteers near the perimeter had to dive for cover behind trees and logs to avoid being shot as bullets smashed bark off the trees and clipped branches in showers around them. This time the grove seemed more completely encircled by the attackers, with shots coming from the grasses all around the grove except in the area of the trail to the south and in the adjacent cranberry bog quadrant to the southwest.

Pvt. William Davies’s rifle was put out of commission when a large ball struck it in the lock area and carried away much of the breech, and Davies looked in disbelief at the barrel and stock still gripped in his stinging hands. There was amazement among many of the men, as well, when 19-year-old Ben Newland abruptly appeared among them. Newland, a popular young man on the frontier, had been captured by Indians ten months earlier and was thought to have been killed by his captors long ago. Now here he was in their camp, having escaped from the Shawnee warriors

who had just arrived. He brought word that those Shawnees were determined to torture to death in the worst possible ways any of the Americans who fell into their hands.

Col. Crawford, having ascertained that the guards were still all in place and watchful for any advance of the Indians toward the woods, called a council of the officers and announced that they would continue returning the fire until dark, at which time they would kindle their fires as they had the night before. This time, however, they would gather their forces and make a sudden concerted break out of the woods and back along the trail upon which they had arrived.

“Excuse me, sir,” interrupted Brigade Maj. Daniel Leet, “but I think that is a serious mistake. The Indians are too alert. There has to be a reason why they haven’t fired from that direction. They evidently want us to make some kind of an attempt in that direction. The southern trail has to be some kind of a trap.”

“That’s possible, Major Leet,” Crawford conceded, “but it doesn’t appear we have much of a choice. Unless, of course, you have a better idea.”

“I think so, Colonel,” Leet replied. “I’ve been studying the firing. There’s been practically nothing coming from the southwest, but that’s all marsh country and it’s not likely we could get through there. But, other than that, directly to the west of the woods there hasn’t been much firing at all, and it’s high ground. I would suggest we launch a surprise attack in that direction and break through the Indian line.”

“That’s stupid!” David Williamson spoke up bluntly. “God Almighty, that would put us even deeper into their country and in an area we’re not familiar with. That’s a lot riskier than going south, where at least we know the lay of the land to some extent.”

“I’d have to agree with Colonel Williamson in that regard,” Crawford said. “The break will be made toward the south, not the west.”

Maj. Leet shook his head, obviously not in agreement. “Our maps tell us there’s a trail west of us about a mile called the Oak Creek Trail. We could hit that, circle around these damned prairies and bogs and go south, then cut eastward to hit Bouquet’s old war trail at the Muskingum and follow it home.”

“I said we will go south, Major,” Crawford said sharply, “and we will. Now let’s start getting things ready.”

Disgruntled, Leet shrugged but said nothing more. Then the miller, Capt. John Hardin, spoke up brashly.

“There have got to be at least twelve hundred Indians out there!” he exclaimed. “For all we know, most of ‘em are lining that road just waiting for us to walk into their trap. I think we would stand a much greater chance if the individual companies separated and each went off on its own, and made its own way back to safety.”

Col. Crawford gave Capt. Hardin a scornful look and immediately quashed that idea, then issued the direct order that the entire army would stay together as a complete unit and that absolute discipline must be maintained.

A definite sense of foreboding permeated the Americans in the grove as the twilight deepened into night and the men began making preparations for the retreat; though they were relieved that at last they would be leaving this place, they feared what lay ahead. Were the Indians, as so many suspected, lying in wait for them in great numbers along the trail by which they had arrived here? Were they at this moment silently slipping into the woods under cover of night to fall upon them as they packed their gear and readied their horses? It was 150 miles of wilderness between here and the Ohio River, in every mile of which they could be struck with a devastating force that they would not be able to counteract. Would that occur?

As Col. Crawford had directed, a large number of small fires were built to give the illusion that the army was settling into its camp for the night. Some of these fires were built on the graves of their fallen comrades to disguise the freshly turned earth and prevent the Indians from digging up dead to scalp them. Among the 23 wounded were seven who were so severely injured they could not ride; litters were made that could be suspended between two horses to carry them. Pvt. John McDonald, in severe pain from his broken thigh, was one of these. The whole body of the army was to form in four divisions, keeping the wounded in the center.

While these preparations were under way, the hard-headed Capt. John Hardin gathered together his own men and drew them off to the side. All four Hardins were together—Capt. John Hardin Sr., and his son John, Jr., as well as his illegitimate son John, called Jack, and his nephew Thomas. He whispered to his men that he was sure the army was going to ride straight into an ambush, and he had no intention of becoming a part of it. In direct disobedience of Col. Crawford’s orders, he told them he would lead his own company to safety his own way, and any among them who did not wish to accompany him was free to leave now and be cut to pieces with the main army. Only a few refused to go along, and within a few minutes Hardin and his men were quietly leading their horses toward the western fringe of the woodland, close to half a mile west of the south trail. Here the fires of the Indians were farther apart, and it seemed the men would be able to slip through the enemy lines.

The full movement of the retreat was scheduled to begin at nine o’clock, and by sunset just about all were in readiness. Gradually the main army, under guidance of its various commanders, moved into a marching order, with Maj. John McClelland’s battalion in the lead position, ready to move the instant the order was passed in whispers through the line. McClelland glimpsed Pvt. John Orr, horseless, arms clasped snug against his bandaged side, standing ready, with several other men who had lost their horses, to move on foot with the retreat when it began. Despite the waves of pain emanating from his bandaged upper left arm, the major remembered his earlier promise to this severely injured soldier, and now he dismounted and gave Orr his own horse, helping the grateful private into the saddle.

It was at about this juncture when word reached Col. Crawford that Capt. John Hardin was slipping off with his company, intent on finding his own way to safety. Infuriated at such flagrant insubordination bordering on desertion, Crawford placed the army in temporary command of the only officer near him, Brigade Maj. Daniel Leet, and galloped off westward from the trail to overtake Capt. Hardin’s company and order the men back to the army. Almost immediately angry murmurings rose from the men who saw him depart but did not understand his intention and presumed he was deserting them to save his own life. And because their surgeon, Dr. Knight, and their guide, John Slover, were also rmssing, they thought all three had fled on their own.[20]

Col. Crawford had traveled away from the main force on Hardin’s trail for only a few minutes when everything fell apart. Hardin’s company, several hundred yards ahead of Crawford, in the prairie darkness near the western perimeter of the woods, had spotted an extensive dark area between the fires in one location, which Capt. Hardin took to be the dividing line between the newly arrived Shawnees, whose fires arced southward and eastward, toward the marsh and the road, and the Delawares and Wyandots, whose fires arced northward and then eastward flanking the northern perimeter of the woods. Selecting that darkest spot between the Indian fires as the area where they were most likely to succeed in breaking through the Indian line, he led his men quietly in that direction. It didn’t work out; midway in its passage, the small company was detected and, in moments, a whole barrage of shooting broke the silence of the night. Only one of the volunteers was hit, and that just a minor graze across the shoulder. Hardin instantly put his force into a gallop and surged ahead, making for the darkness beyond and putting distance between themselves and their pursuers.

The burst of gunfire, however, had far-reaching ramifications. In one brief instant the men in the main army formation concluded they were being attacked by the whole Indian force, and their fear turned into abject panic. Men yelled in terrified voices, and horses screamed as they were suddenly kicked into a milling, confused welter of hooves and bodies. The Indians on the north line instantly added their voices and gunfire to the confusion and plunged headlong into the woods.

The greater part of the army was abruptly in chaotic motion, thundering madly through the darkness to the south, generally along the trail but with splinter groups breaking off here and there, their horses rearing and shrieking and filled with unbridled terror. Among those behind Maj. McClelland’s advance party but in the van of the main army was Pvt. Thomas Mills, who had vaulted into his saddle the instant panic broke out and kicked his gray gelding into a gallop at the very forefront of the tumultuous rush.

The men on foot in the advance division, including Maj. McClelland, were simply ridden over by the mass of horses behind them, and a good many were badly injured and left behind to their fate. Abandoned as well were the many volunteers still on sentry duty, especially along the northern perimeter of the woods, who had not yet even been informed that a retreat was planned. These sentries—some patrolling and others taking their turns at getting some sleep—were simply overrun by the many fiercely shrieking Indians charging into the woodland from the north. The sentries had little chance and were killed or captured at their posts, some never even awakening before tomahawks ended their lives.

The initial pandemonium of the troops in the main army continued, and McClelland’s advance mounted battalion, fearing to be overridden by those behind, plunged ahead even more furiously, distancing themselves from the followers and, as had been feared, surging directly into a mass of Indians, largely Shawnees and Delawares, positioned for just such an eventuality. Both McClelland’s precipitous advance and the Hardin company’s flight were providential acts that, though horribly disconcerting at first, aided the bulk of the main army immeasurably.

The Indians were not quite sure what was occurring. The chiefs were at first under the impression—bolstered by the initial breakthrough of the Hardin company —that the movements were feints to decoy them into an exposed position. That impression did not last. Their hesitation evaporated as the realization dawned that this was a panic-inspired full-scale retreat, and they immediately surged to attack in the darkness.

With Col. Crawford still gone and likely by this time either to be dead or captured, Col. David Williamson now relieved Brigade Maj. Leet and took over command of the army, assisted by Maj.John Rose. Their portion of the army was no longer so panic-stricken as before, and they were, for the most part, still together as a unit. Fortunately, Jonathan Zane was with them, and when he suggested a way he might be able to lead them through the Indian lines, the new commander listened closely. It was a reasonable plan and now, at Williamson’s orders, they veered southwest, away from the road. While the Indians were diverted into concentrating on Hardin’s company at the western prairie front and on McClelland’s advance force on the road south, the main army skirted the northern arc of the expansive cranberry bog and began moving down its western side, fortuitously getting the bog between themselves and the Indians. Zane, riding beside Col. Williamson, continued to guide them through the darkness.

As the panic had broken out and the troops thrashed away in the darkness, Francis Dunlavy, at the northeastern edge of the occupied portion of the grove, found himself left suddenly crouching behind a log with another soldier and wondering what was happening. Dunlavy had a horse, but the young soldier with him, his panic rising, had none. Dunlavy urged that they both get on the horse and rush after the others as swiftly as possible, but the young volunteer was frozen with fear.

“Come on, man!” Dunlavy urged. “Get on the horse. There’s no time to waste.” Still the youth remained locked in place, wailing in his terror, and now Indians, attracted by the noise he was making, shrieked triumphantly as they burst into the far end of the glen on foot. One charged with uplifted tomahawk and Dunlavy instantly leaped into the saddle and kicked his horse into a gallop to the south. The young soldier fell dead with a tomahawk in his brain just as Dunlavy plunged into the deeper darkness of the woods beyond.

Back on the road close to the woods, Maj. John McClelland, still afoot and dazed from having been overridden and passed by his troops, suddenly heard Indians coming toward him, and he broke into a run. Wounded as he was, he could not run fast and tired quickly. Within 100 yards he was overtaken and felt his arms gripped on both sides by warriors—Shawnees—and his weapons ripped away from him. He braced himself for the tomahawk blow that would end his life, but it did not fall. Instead, he was hustled off in the darkness by the Indians toward one of their watchfires.

Col. Crawford, upon hearing the outbreak of firing at Hardin’s company, wheeled his horse around and retraced his path back toward the south trail where it emerged from the woods and where the main army had been. He arrived there just as the rear of that force, mostly afoot, was leaving the woods, and he mingled with the men, calling out for his son, son-in-law and nephew, who, last he knew, should be among these men. They did not answer, and none of the passing men had any idea where they were. Fearing they were still deeper in the woods, Crawford reined his mount back into the grove to search for them.

The chaos continued and, as balls whistled among the rear divisions under Majs. John Brinton and Daniel Leet, the woods were rapidly emptying of the volunteers, except for those who were confusedly moving in circles or who were wounded and horseless. Among the latter was Capt. Ezekiel Rose, who had taken a ball that passed through his chest and out his back. Though conscious, he was in shock and certain he was dying. He considered it most important that he say The Lord’s Prayer before he died. In his confused state he kept making mistakes in the wording, and upon realizing he had done so, he would immediately break off and begin the prayer again. Men of his own company and others tried to help him onto a horse, but he struggled against them, deeming it necessary that he complete the prayer before attempting escape. Maj. Leet happened by, saw what was occurring and, exasperated, picked him up and practically dumped him into the saddle, then ordered a private up behind him to hold him on as they rode.

Maj. Brinton abruptly took a ball and, badly wounded, was himself helped away, while Maj. Leet took over his command, and with some 90 men in tow, including Col. Crawford’s son John, he led them directly west through the woods, heading for the Oak Creek Trail he had earlier advocated using, taking a chance on breaking through the Indian line in that direction. He succeeded, not only in bursting past the Indians but in reaching the trail running west of the cranberry bog. The Indians fired in wild abandon as the whites charged through, but they did not follow so large a body of men in the darkness, fearing that they would themselves be slain.

Pvt. Michael Myers, one of the sentries on the northern perimeter, heard the gunfire and assumed the Indians were attacking from the west. He leaped up onto the broad trunk of a fallen tree and looked into the woods toward the southwest, trying to ascertain more accurately the origin of the firing. He heard a noise behind and spun around to see the shadowy forms of Indians emerging from the deep grasses and rushing toward him. He snapped off a shot but missed and, almost in the same instant, an arrow buried itself in his leg just above the knee, tumbling him to the ground. He scrambled to his feet, gripping his empty rifle now by the barrel to swing as a club. The warriors were swarming to him by then, and he managed to hit several with the gun, but then a tomahawk blow knocked the rifle out of his grip, cut his hand badly and dislocated his thumb. Driven to his knees by warriors swarming over him, he still managed to shake them off and get to his feet again. He yanked out the arrow projecting from his leg and raced off toward the darkest part of the woods. Despite the wound, he eluded his pursuers and emerged from the grove just above the marsh, into which he plunged without pause.

As Col. Crawford penetrated deeper into the woods searching for his three relatives, another horseman, hearing him calling their names, rode up to him. It turned out to be Dr. John Knight, coming from the direction of the knoll, and they joined. Knight evinced concern about a couple of men still on the knoll who were dying and whom he had been loath to leave as the retreat formed up. He had decided to stay with them as long as possible. Then had come the pandemonium from the panicked troops on the south and the howls and shrieks of the Indians entering the woods on the north approaching the knoll. He’d had no other choice then but to leave his trunkful of surgical tools and medical supplies behind and the dying men to their fate, snatch up a rifle, powderhorn and lead pouch belonging to one of the dying men, and try to overtake the army. That was when he encountered his commander.

Now Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight tried to decide what their best move might be. Knight assured his commander that by this time all the men were well ahead of them with the retreating army. Crawford was, of course, unaware that his son was already breaking through the Indian line to the west under Maj. Leet, while his nephew, William Crawford, and his son-in-law, William Harrison, were together with Maj. McClelland’s advance force, now under heavy attack and scattering like flushed quail. The two young men, for the moment, having become separated from others, rode southeastward until they were well away from the road, then turned south again, expecting to intersect the trail once more in a mile or so and rejoin their unit.

Col. Crawford grimly concluded that if Dr. Knight was incorrect, his three relatives had already been taken prisoner or killed, and so he terminated his search. But now the question was what to do. He was furious at the disorder of the premature retreat and complained bitterly about the disobedience of the troops. From the sounds to the south, the screams of the Indians dominating, it seemed evident that the Indians were now in force in that direction. The cries of the Indians approaching through the woods from the north cut off that avenue of escape, so with a few murmured words Crawford led the way toward the northwest. They picked their way carefully through the dark woodland, pausing now and then as they heard nearby Indians approach and then pass them unseen. At length they came to the far northwestern edge of the grove and found the prairie silent before them, a few untended watchfires dimming. Logic dictated that they turn southward and pass west of the bog, as Maj. Leet had earlier suggested, but, still convinced the Indians lay in wait there, Crawford took a different tack.

“I think our best chance,” he told Knight, “is to head straight north for a while until we’ve cleared the Indian lines and then head east for the river, get across and continue in that direction for a good way before swinging to the south, then east again, and then south again to confuse any of the Indians that might be trying to follow us. That way maybe we can avoid them, and we should be able to hit the trail again by daylight and perhaps intercept the army.” Having no better suggestion, Knight agreed, and they moved off at once.

While the height of the panic prevailed, the rear guard of the army was all confusion. Many of the men, hearing the crash of guns and seeing muzzle flashes in the dark woods behind them, struck out in whichever direction happened to lead away from the assumed danger. A good number, emerging from the woodland, immediately galloped to the southwest and almost at once encountered the northern swell of the expansive cranberry marsh. Into it they plunged with reckless abandon. Very quickly their horses mired and they abandoned them and continued on foot, slogging waist deep, sometimes neck deep, in water and muck, losing weapons, provisions and footwear in the process. All the while they were pressed by those behind, who were hastened by the hail of balls following them and ripping through the tangle of bushes and other marsh growth. For six volunteers who hesitated or fell, including Pvt. Benjamin McQueen, the Indians were almost instantly upon them with tomahawks and scalping knives.

Back at the rear of the main army, McQueen’s brother, Thomas, also a private, got separated from his company during the retreat and linked up with a Frenchman and a lieutenant in similar straits. All three were still mounted, but their horses were in bad condition, and concluding they could not catch up, the three struck out overland in an effort to get home on their own.

Pvt. John Sherrard of Capt. Biggs’s company, who had supplied men with water from the root-hole pool in the woods during the battle there, found himself separated in the wild retreat from his unit and riding beside a longtime friend, Pvt. Conrad Harbaugh of Capt. John Beeson’s company. Sherrard’s horse was in better condition than Harbaugh’s, which was wheezing and groaning from exertion, but Harbaugh had a good saddle while Sherrard was uncomfortably seated on a packsaddle. The two young men discussed whether it would be wisest to trot their horses after their units and conserve the strength of the animals, or put them into a gallop at once to overtake them. At that juncture Sherrard glimpsed a shadowy figure nearby and correctly guessed it was an Indian.

“Take cover!” he hissed, and leaped down, pulling his horse toward a big tree behind which he might find cover. Harbaugh’s reaction was slower and, as he dismounted, a lead ball whined out of the darkness and drilled straight through the right side of his chest. He dropped to the ground, struggled a moment to get up and then sank back into a sitting position.

“Lord have mercy on me,” he said aloud. “I’m a dead man!”

The Indian, evidently expecting the second man to return fire, raced away on foot in the darkness. Sherrard ran to Harbaugh to assist and was dismayed to find his companion dead, still in a sitting posture. He sadly lowered the body into a supine position and, unwilling to be burdened with carrying two guns, lay the dead man’s rifle beside him. The death was a great blow to him, but this was no time for indecision, so he swiftly removed saddle and bridle from Harbaugh’s horse and turned the animal loose. Jerking his own uncomfortable packsaddle and pack off his horse and tossing them aside, then removing the makeshift rope rein, he replaced them with Harbaugh’s bridle and saddle and in moments was mounted and moving off. No shots came and no one pursued him, but he had traveled fewer than 100 yards when he suddenly realized he had left behind his bedroll attached to the packsaddle and that all his provisions were inside the rolled-up blanket. He turned back.

He found Harbaugh’s body where he had left it but was amazed to find that in the short time he had been gone, the Indian had returned and taken Harbaugh’s scalp and gun. The horse he had turned loose was also gone. Searching about quickly, Sherrard fortunately located his packsaddle with the bedroll still attached, overlooked by the Indian, and he swiftly tied it behind the saddle on his own horse. Then he remounted and slapped the horse into a gallop. Within three miles he managed to catch up to the rear of the retreating army.

Pvt. Michael Walters was another of those soldiers afoot at the rear of the main army and, as he trotted along trying to keep up with the horsemen, he was joined by two other privates afoot, Christopher CoiThian and James Coffins, all three of Capt. Beeson’s scattered company. They concluded, as Thomas McQueen had, that they would never be able to overtake the mounted men ahead of them, and they quickly made a pact to remain together through whatever might occur and to do their utmost to protect one another.



Before the panic occurred, John Slover, knowing his horse would need all its strength on the retreat, had taken his mount to a nearby glade and was feeding the animal there. On the outbreak of panic, he instantly realized what was occurring and leaped into the saddle and headed for the southern edge of the woodland, emerging a little distance west of the road. He reined his horse toward it but traveled only a short way when he discovered that the main part of the force had veered to the southwest. He headed his mount that way and put it into a gallop in an effort to overtake them. In doing so, he overshot their path and wound up in the extensive marshland.

Slover forced his mount through the water and muck for a time, but the horse eventually bogged down badly and was quickly losing its strength. Not far behind he could hear some warriors closing in, so he dropped off the saddle, smacked the horse on its rump to send it floundering away with a splashing racket for the Indians to follow and himself waded silently straight ahead toward the western edge of the marsh a mile distant.

Slover had continued wading through the marsh without pause and at last, only a short time ago, the ground became firmer under his feet. In a few more minutes he left the mire behind, and now, after continuing westward for a time, he had finally come to the Oak Creek Trail. There he encountered five volunteers who had become separated in the darkness from the group under Maj. Daniel Let. They included Col. Crawford’s nephew, Ens. William Crawford, and the colonel’s son-in law, William Harrison, along with Pvts. William Nemins, James Paul and Thomas Heady. The six immediately joined forces and began angling toward the southeast, hoping to link up again with their units but, failing that, to reach the Ohio River on their own. With Slover, one of the expedition’s guides, now with them, their chances of doing so were greatly improved.

Hardly half a mile away, Pvt. James Collins, having become separated in the panic from his brother Joshua and several others, had been struck by a vagrant ball that entered his hip at a sharp angle and passed through the muscle tissue without striking any bones, exiting close to his backbone. It had knocked him off his horse, and the animal raced away. Dazed, a few moments later Collins tried to rise and was surprised at being able to do so successfully. The wound hurt considerably, but he found he could still walk, albeit with difficulty.

“Helluva thing,” he muttered, “to go out on my first real Injen hunt and get shot in the ass!”

Continuing to limp along carefully in the darkness, he soon connected with three other privates on foot who had become separated from their company. In whispers they discussed their present dangerous situation and, convinced they could not catch up to the army, decided to strike out eastward on their own and head for home as best they could.549

Less than a mile farther south on the trail, Collins’s brother, Joshua, was also afoot, his horse having given out. In the darkness he linked up with two other privates, Michael Walters and Christopher Coffman, whose horses had also failed beneath them—the penalty of having set out on this campaign with horses that were essentially worthless in the beginning. As his brother James had done only a short time before, Joshua Collins suggested they strike out overland, away from the trails, and try to get back to the Ohio. Coffman and Walters agreed, and they set off, determined to travel as rapidly as they could through the remainder of this night to put as much distance as possible between themselves and the Sandusky towns.

Meanwhile, in water, muck and mire to his armpits, Michael Myers had bulled his way through snaggly brush and stumbled over unseen submerged logs to the middle of the marsh. At that point, some 15 minutes ago, he had had a severe scare when there was a thrashing in the mucky cover to his right. He reached for his belt sheath to free his hunting knife and defend himself, but the approaching person turned out to be a friend and neighbor, Martin Swigart. They had almost wept with the relief of encountering each other. Together they floundered through the remain­der of the muck to the west side of the marsh.

Emerging and quickly encountering the Oak Creek Trail just as John Slover had done a short time before them, they found a soldier who had dropped out of Leet’s movement with a ball lodged in his ankle. Unable to walk farther with the ball still inside and seeing that Myers had his knife in the belt sheath, he begged them to cut the ball out.

“It’ll hurt like hell,” Myers warned, “but you’ll have to keep quiet, or you’ll bring the Injens down on us.”

“For God’s sake, do it!” the soldier moaned. “I won’t make a sound.”

Myers removed his knife from its sheath, leaned over the man’s foot and began probing with the tip of the blade. Despite his effort to remain silent, the man screamed at the pain. Myers clapped his hand over the man’s mouth, and his words came out in a hiss.

“No more crying out, you hear?” The man nodded, and Myers added, “You holler again, we’ll have to leave you on your own.”

The man moaned an assent and Myers again bent over him and touched his blade to the wound. Once more the man’s scream rent the air, and Myers desisted. “We’re not gonna let you get us killed,” he said with finality, and he and Swigart left the man lying where he was and moved on.

A short while later Myers and Swigart, hearing Indians nearby, separated and, both fearing to call out and reveal their presence, each moved on by himself. Myers came to where some Indian horses were picketed together. He slipped quietly among them, selected the one that appeared to be most powerful and secured it by forming a bridle out of willow withes, which he put around the horse’s lower jaw. He quietly led the horse out of hearing of anyone who might be nearby, then mounted and rode through the remainder of the night.

Well ahead of where Myers and Swigart became separated, a group of ten men south of the marsh had also become separated in the darkness from Maj. Leet’s retreat as it passed through a region of thick brush. Their horses, already jaded, could barely push their way through, and finally the ten, including Pvt. Jonas Sams, dismounted and left their mounts, continuing on foot. In the pale moonlight they eventually managed to make their way back to the prairie grass. Using the moon to get their bearings, they moved off slightly east of south and soon came to a dimly perceived trail heading in a more easterly direction. Some of the men declared it was the trail they were seeking, but Sams and others argued the point.

“Ain’t no way,” Sams said, “our boys could’ve passed ‘long this here trail ‘thout leavin’ a bigger swath than this. I’m fer goin’ on the way we been headin’.”

Split in their opinions, the group split in their action, half following the small trail just encountered, while Sams and the other four continued moving just east of south.

The Sams group were not the only men to get separated from their comrades in the darkness. The unit under Maj. John Rose fell back from that under Col. Williamson and took a wrong trail in the dark, angling toward the west. They increased their speed to catch up to the others, and were wondering why they had not done so when the moon rose and they discovered their error. By the dim moonlight, they could see that no body of horsemen had ridden this trail just before them and that they were riding southwest.

“Well,” remarked Pvt. Angus McCoy philosophically, “one thing you can say for takin’ a wrong trail—we ain’t been bothered by the Injens lately. ‘Course, in the direction we’re headin’, we’ll wind up in the Shawnee towns, an’ I reckon they’ll have a warm welcome for us.”

Without further ado, Maj. Rose turned the column to the left and, cutting straight through untrammeled prairie grass, rode rapidly for over two miles before finding the correct trail again, which, at that point was running nearly parallel to the less used trail they had mistakenly taken.

Having intercepted the principal trail, Maj. Rose discovered they were at this point about three miles south of the old Half King’s Town that they had found abandoned on their approach here. He also found that the main force under Col. Williamson had not yet passed here, but in only a matter of minutes that portion of the army arrived, the big gray gelding with Pvt. Thomas Mills perched on its back clearly visible in the moonlight. The two units quickly merged, swelling the number of the whole to around 250 men.

Williamson’s force had not had an easy time of it. Its delay in arriving at that point had been due to a couple of unfortunate circumstances. First, their mounts had initially been pushed too hard when the panic broke out and had played out to the point that a fair number had to be abandoned and their riders forced to accompany the remainder afoot; only a small number of the horses seemed capable of going on with a hard ride—Pvt. Mills’s gray being one of them. Second, the following Indians and British Rangers had quickly overtaken them and inaugurated an annoying rear action, sniping at the retreaters from under cover and quickly killing or capturing any stragglers. About a dozen men were missing and presumed killed or captured.

Now, with the two principal forces of the main army rejoined, Col. Williamson placed Capt. John Biggs’s company as a strong rear guard and resumed the march through the darkness, intent on getting as far away from the Sandusky towns as possible before the break of day.[21]



June 4, 1782



Next morning about six o’clock their guns were discharged, at the distance of two or three hundred yards, which continued till day, doing little or no execution on either side.

The field officers then assembled and agreed, as the enemy were every moment increasing, and we hade already a number of wounded, to retreat that night. The whole body was to form into three lines, keeping the wounded in the centre. We had four killed and twenty-three wounded, of the latter, seven very dangerously, on which account as many biers were got ready to carry them; most of the rest were slightly wounded and none swo bad but they could ride on horseback.

After dark the officers wern on the outr posts and brought in all the men as expeditiously as they could. Just as the troops were about to form, several guns were fired by the enemy, upon which some of our men spoke out and said our intention was discovered by the Indians who were firing alarm guns. Upon which some in front hurried off and the rest immediately followed, leaving the seven men that were dangerously wounded, some of whom however got off on horseback, by means of some good friends, who waited for, and assisted them.

We had not got a quarter of a mile from the field of action when I heard Col. Crawforde calling for his son, John Crawford, his son-inlaw, Major Harrison, Major Rowe and William Crawford, his nephews, upon which I came up and told him I believed they were on before us. He asked was that the doctor? I told him it was. He then replied thay were not in front, and begged of me not leave him. I promised him I would not.

We then waited and continued calling for these men till the troops had passed us. The Colonel told me his horse had almost given out, that he could not keep up with the troops, and wished some of his best friends to remain with him. He then exclaimed against the militia for riding off in such an irregular manner, and leaving some of the wounded behind, contrary to his orders. Presently there came two men riding after us, one of them an old man, the other a lad.
We enquired if they had seen any of the above persons? They answered thay had not.

By this time there was very hot firing before us, and as we judged, near where our main body must have been. Our course was then nearly Southwest, but changing it, we went north about two miles, the two men remaining in company with us. Judging ourselves to be now out of the enemy’s lines, we took a due East course, taking care to keep at the distance of fifteen or twenty yards apart, and directing ourselves by the North star.

The old man often lagged behind, and when this was the case, never failed to call for us to halt for him. When we were near the Sandusky creek he fell one hundred yards behind, and bawled out, as usual, for us to halt for him. When we were preparing to reprimand him for making a noise, I heard an Indian hallo, as I thought, one hundred and fifty yards from the man, and parly behind him. After this we did not hear the man call again, neither did he ever come up to us any more.

It was now past midnight, and about daybreak Col. Crawford’s and the young man’s horses gave out, and they left them. We pursued our journey Eastward, and about two o’clock fell in with Capt. Biggs, who had carried Lieut. Ashley from the field of action, who had been dangerously wounded. We then went on about the space of an hour, when a heavy rain coming on, we concluded it was best to encamp, as we were encumbered with the wounded officer. We then barked four or five trees, made an encampment and a fire, and remained there all that night. [22]





June 5-6, Retreat of the American Army.

June 5, Colonel William Crawford was captured by the Indians. Colonel William Crawford was put to death by burning at the stake by the Indians. The place is marked by a monument near Crawford, Ohio, a small settlement north of Upper Sandusky, Ohio.

Some members of his army:

Martin Swlckard Andrew Monros John Cotton

Henry Franks, Sr.6[23]



Painting of Battle Island by Frank Halbedel[24]





June 5th Wednesday, 1782



June 5th Wednesday.—the firing begun at Sun rise & continued all Day at long shot. the ennemy’s intention was evidently, to cause us to waste our ammunition. They kept mannuvering all Day, trying to make small numbers look large; so to draw our attention, amuse us, untill a rein forcement would arrive them— A plan was proposed to send a party of 150 men mounted on the best Horses, upon the enemy’s left Flank and attack them at the same time with 50 Foot in front in that small stripe of Woods. Col. Williamson was to lead the foot and the Command of the horse was assigned to me. Col C—d talked of taking the sense of his Field Officers, and the proposal was laid a side. Even our Light horse had been ordered the Evening before to dismount, & post themselves behind Trees.

I observed the number of Horsemen among the ennemy increase visibly, which the enemy show’d us to very great advantage: & in the evening a Body of 150 Shawnoes advanced quite openly in 8 Columns on the common road in our Rear, carrying a standard (red) at the head of their Centre Column. These encamped to the S. in the rear upon our left. There was now but about a quarter of a mile between the Shawnoes and Delaware encampments in our Rear across the road we had to return on. the Delawares etc extended from E. in the Rear of Right all along upon our Right untill nearly West in front of us along the road to Sandusky.

At Sunset the enemy fired off their guns all round by way of a Feu de joie—this political stroke of theirs had that effect it was intended for, & compleated the Business with us.

Orders had been issued to make Biers for such Wounded as could not ride on horseback. Now it was ordered the men should singly go & sadie their horses & put on their Loads. A retreat was agreed on to be made in the night, marching in 2 columns a long the same Road we came, and fighting our way if we should be discovered & attacked by the enemy.

Immediately after Dark we were collected & paraded in Companies to take up our Line of march as agreed on, and had called in all our Sentinels, when one Capt. Hardin at the head of a large party, thinking our enterprize rather hazardous was moving off toward the town first, and expected by a circuitous march to fall into our path & by that means avoid the enemy’s vigilance. Col. C—d desired Harrison & myself to detain the Body untill he should persuade Hardin’s party to return, as we were too much weakened by this separation— He was not long gone, when the ennemy begun to fire into our encampment. that instant every Body was pushing as if it had been a signal agreed on for that purpose. Most all took to the South round the lower end of the Shawnee encampment and some few went along the path agreeable to our made known plan. These suffered considerably as the enemy was alarmed by their sentries & guards on the Road— At the old TownS of Sandusky our party of about 50 struck the road and an other larger party fell in at our Rear. to avoid passing a large glade a mile from the town we wanted to follow the trail of our outermost left Column on our advance, which took as I recollected through the Woods round the head of the glade to our right & South. Unmindfull that the Shawnee path did take off at the same place, we fell upon it and followed it for near 2 miles, deceived by the trails on each side, as the Shawnoes advanced in 3 Columns. the rise of the moon undeceived us at last and we struck strait across into our proper path 3 miles from the old Town. here Col. Williamson & his party joined us, which increased our number to about 250 men.[25]



ORDERS GIVEN ON AN EXPEDITION OF VOLUNTEERS TO SANDUSKY, 1782.



PLAINs OF SANDUSKY



Orders. Field of Action: June the 5th 1782

It behoves every Officer to pay the greatest attention to the sufferings of those Brave Men who so nobly fought, & whose Wounds yet Bleed for their Country. Such as Dr Knight judges not able to ride, are to be immediately provided with Biers. The Officers of those Companies such men belong to, will see this Order diligently and expeditiously executed.— they will likewise cause their Men to sadle & load their horses singly during the day—not in a Body: which might discover our intentions to the Ennemy— [26]



June 5, 1782

Next morning we again prosecuted our journey, and having gone about three miles found a deer which had been recently killed. The meat was sliced from the bones and bundled up in the skin, with a tomahawk lying by it. We carried all with us, and advanceing about one mile further, espied the smoke of a fire. We then gave the wounded officer into the charge of the young man, directing him to staybehind whilst the Colonel, the Captain and myself walked up as cautiously as we could toward the fire. When we came to it, we concluded, from several circumstances, some of our people had encamped there the preceding night. We then went about roasting the venison, and when just about to march, observed one of our men coming upon our tracks. He seemed at first very shy, but having called to him he came up and told us he was the person who had killed the deer, but upon hearing us come up, was afraid of Indians, hid it in a thicket and made off. Upon this we gave him some bread and rasted venison, proceeded all together on our journey, and about two o’clock came upon the paths by which we had gone out. Capt. Biggs and myself did not think it safe to keep the road, but the Colonel said the Indians would not follow the troops farther than the plains, which we were then considerably past. As the wounded officer rode Capt. Bigg’ horse, I lent the Captain mine. The Colonel and myself went about one hundred yards in front, the Captain and the wounded officer in the centre, and the two young men behind. After we had traveled about one mile and a half, several Indians started up withing fifteen or twenty steps of the Colonel and me. As we at first discovered only three, immediately got behind a large black oak, made ready my piece and raised it up to take sight, when the Colonmel called me twice not to fire, upon that one of the Indians ran-up to the Colonel and took him by the hand.

They were Delaware Indians of the Wingenund tribe. Captain Biggs fired amongst them but did no execution. They then told us to call these people and make them come there, else they would go and kill them, which the Colonel did, but they forgot us and escaped for that time. The Colonel and I were then taken to the Indian camp, which was about half a mile from the place where we were captured. On Sunday evening five Delawares who had posted themselves at some distance further on the road brought back to the camp, where we lay, Captain Biggs’ and Lieutenant Ashley’s scalps, with an Indian scalp which Captain Biggs had taken in the field of action; they also brought in Biggs’ horse and mine, they told us the other two men got away from them.[27]



June 5, 1782

The next day (they) fired on each other at the distance of three hundred yards, doing little or no execution. In the evening of theat day it was proposed by Col. Crawford, as I have since been informed, to draw off with order; but at the moment of our retreat the Indians (who had probably perceived that we were about to retreat) firing alarm guns, our men broke and rode off in confusion, treading down those who were on foot, and leaving the wounded men who supplicated to be taken with them.

I was with some others on the rear of our troops feeding our horses in the glade, when our men began to break. The main body of our people had passed by me a considerable distance before I was ready to set out. I overtook them before they crossed the glade, and was advanced almost in front. The company in which I was had separated from me, and had endeavored to pass a morass, for coming up I found their horses had stuck fast in the morass, and endeavoring to pass, mine also in a short time stuck fast. I ought to have said, the company of five or six men with which I had been immediately connected, and who were some distance to the right of the main body, had separated from me, &c. I tried a long tome to disengage my horse, until I could hear the enemy just behind me, and on each side, but in vain. Here then I was obliged to leave him. The morass was so unstable that I was to the middle in it, and it was with the greatest difficulty that I got acrossit, but which having at length done, I cme up with the six men who had left their horses in the same manner I had done; two of these, my compnions, having lost their guns.

We traveled that night, making our course towards Detroit, with a view to shun the enemy, who we conceived to have taken the paths by which the main body of our people had retreated.[28]



June 5, 1806: Louis Napoléon Bonaparte, the brother of Napoleon Bonaparte, began his reign as King of Holland. Louis was supportive of his Jewish subjects and sought to make them full-fledged citizens of his Dutch kingdom. He “changed the market-day in some cities (Utrecht and Rotterdam) from Saturday to Monday” and abolished the use of the "Oath More Judaico" Henceforth, Jews and Christians would swear to the same oath when testifying. in the courts of justice, and administered the same formula to both Christians and Jews. In an attempt to improve their skills in the art of war, ‘’he formed two battalions of 803 men and 60 officers, all Jews.” Prior to his reign, the Jews had been until then excluded from military service. [Editors Note – It may seem strange to westerners living in the 21st century, but at that time, serving in the military was considered a sign of full-citizenship. If you will remember the story of Asser Levy and his fight to serve in the militia in New Amsterdam you will understand the importance of what Louis did.][29]

June 5, 1851: Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin appears as a serial in an anti-slavery newspaper in Washington, D.C.[30]







June 5, 1864: The 37th Infantry moved to Alton, Ill, and guard Military Prison till January 16, 1864, and at Rock Island, Ill, till June 5. Ordered to Memphis, Tenn., June 5, and duty there till August 27. In 1862, the U.S. War Department authorized the formation of the 37th Infantry to show that men past draft age were willing and able to go war. The unit of 914 men was assembled that December at Camp Strong near Muscatine, Iowa. The oldest man was 80 year old Pvt. Curtis King. Six men were in their 70s, including 72 year old drummer, Nicholas Ramey. Another 136 men were in their 60s. Nearly all of the members of the regiment were over 45.[31]



Sun. June 5, 1864

Went on picket all the co 15 on capt post had a good time cloudy and

thundering all day wrote letter home[32]



June 5, 1940: The German Army invades France.[33]



June 5, 1942: The document bearing the number XXVb indicates that the first five deportation convoys (March 27, June 5, 22, 25 and 28, 1942) represented anti-Jewish reprisal measures and therefore include French citizens. In the future, thanks to an agreement with Vichy, convoys of thousands of stateless, Polish, Czech, and Russian Jews would leave from the unoccupied zone. [34]



June 5, 1953:



September 10, 2010 email



Jeff,



Thanks for the response. He was definitely a Cohen. I have a copy of a letter writen to the Gottlober family by a Los Angeles Rabbi Rabbi F.E. Rottenberg dated June 5, 1953. He sent a page from a book published in the 1880's in Warsaw. It was a picture of "five founders of modern Hebrew poetry and literature".Number five is listed in Hebrew letters as "Abraham Ber Hacohen Gottlober", Which would translate as" Abraham Baer the Cohen Gottlober."



Bill Nemoyten







June 5, 1967: The Six-Day War begins as the Israeli Air Force conducts raids, destroying most of Egypt’s, Jordan’s, and Syria’s air forces.[35]



1968

The Hong Kong Flu kills 2 million globally.[36]



1968

The story of Jesus’s crucifixion was rendered entirely plausible when, in 1968, an ossuary in the burial cave northeast of Jerusalem was opened and a victim’s heel bone appeared, pierced through with a long nail. The name of the crucified man was Yehochanan. Archaeologists were able to date his remains to the first century C.E. and study the circumstances of how he died, thereby extrapolating from that the details of Jesus’s crucifixion. [37]





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[1] The One Year Chronology Bible, NIV, page 1100.

[2] http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/

[3] http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/

[4] http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/

[5] http://christianparty.net/jewsexpelled.htm

[6] The Templar Code, HISTI, 5/16/2006

[7] Holy Grail in America, HISTI, 9/20/2009

[8] Torrence and Allied Families, Robert M. Torrence, pg 322

[9] Torrence and Allied Families, Robert M. Torrence, pgs 322-323

[10] Torrence and Allied Families, Robert M. Torrence pg 323

[11] Ancestry.com

[12] His executors produced his will in the County Court of Frederick at Winchester, Virginia, on June 5th, the same year(1765). This leaves a gap of two months from the date of the will, until it was proved; during which time the shroud of death crept over the Stephenson home. Once again, Honor Stephenson felt the pangs of widowhood, as the family laid their husband and father to rest. Needless to say, the family graves generally are found in a burial plot, on the plantations or farms of early America and this family would be no exception. As stated before, there is a burial plot on the Stephenson homestead, but the inscriptions are not legible and very little evidence is left.

(From River Clyde to Tymochtee and Col. William Crawford by Grace U. Emahiser, 1969, page 72.)

[13] From River Clyde to Tymochtee and Col. William Crawford by Grace U. Emahiser, 1969, page 72.

[14] THE BATTLES OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON BY WILLIAM S. STRYKER

[15] Quartermaster Zinn of the von Donop Regiment: Enemy Views, by Bruce E. Burgoyne pg. 149.

[16] Enemy Mine, Bruce Burgoyne pg 150

[17] Brigadier General John Glover was born at Salem, Mass., on November 5, 1732. There is no record of where John Glover was “made a Mason,” but documents in the archives of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts name him and his brothers Samuel and Johnhathan in “A List of Brothers before the Opening of the Lodge in Barblehead and belonging to the Same Town.” That ladge, constituted March 25, 1760, received its charter on January 14, 1778, and its present name, Philanthropic Lodge, on June 12, 1797 under Grand Master Paul Revere. In January 1775, the Marblehead Regiment of Minutemen elected Glover 2nd Lt. Colonel, its third ranking officer, and its weekly drills sharply increased. With the unexpected death of its Commander in April, Glover assumed command of the regiment. The Marblehead men were fishing on the Grand Banks when “the shot heard round the world” was fired at Lexington and Concord. On their return Col. Glover’s recruiting efforts soon raised a regiment of 505 officers and men,, all but seven being “Headers.” The Northern Light, November 1982, Vol. 13, “George Washington’s Amphibious Commander”, Vol. 13, No. 5, page 14.

[18] About Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Revolution, 17 Vols.Prepared by the Secretary of the Commonwealth, this is an indexed compilation of the records of the Massachusetts soldiers and sailors who served in the army or navy during the...

[19] At dusk 140 Shawnee troops bearing a red banner (“standard”) rode into view on the common roads from the south. (Rose in his journal states that 150 Shawness arrived. John Turney, then commanding the British rangers, reported 140 reinforcements in his letter to Detroit ttwo days later.) Advanceing in three columns, the new arrivals camped west of the road near a marsh. A single sentinel was stationed in the marsh itself. These reinforcements closed substantially the enemy circle; the only gap was a half mile where the road ran south from the woods. To the right of that road Delaware troops were camped, and from there around the woods on the north and west Wyandots and groups of Lake Indians kept watch. The British rangers fought from the woods opposite the end of the lightly-timbered leg occupied by American militia and a few advance pociets of Indians. (Here I draw on circumstantial evidence in the Journal of Private Michael Walters and Turney’s June 7 letter-report to De Peyster. (The Sandusky Expedition, Parker B. Brown, 1988)

[20] The belief that Crawford, Slover and Knight had abandoned the army to their fate persisted for many years among some of the survivors, even though it later became widely known what had actually transpired.

[21] That Dark and Bloodly River, Allan W. Eckert

[22] Narrative by Dr. Knight.

[23] The Brothers Crawford, Allen w. Scholl, 1995

[24] Dan Reinhart

[25] Journal of a Volunteer Expedition to Sandusky, Baron Rosenthal, “John Rose”.

[26] Journal of a Volunteer Expedition to Sandusky, Von Pilchau

[27] Narrative by Dr. Knight.

[28] Narrative of John Slover

[29] http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/

[30] On This Day in America by John Wagman.

[31] William Harrison Goodlove Iowa 24th Civil War Diary

[32] William Harrison Goodlove Iowa 24th Civil War Diary

[33] On This Day in America by John Wagman.

[34] French Children of the Holocaust, A Memorial by Serge Klarsfeld, page 379.

[35] On This Day in America by John Wagman.

[36] Wells Fargo, 5/5/2009

[37] US New and World Report, Secrets of Christianity, April 2010. Pages 7 and 8.