This Day in Goodlove History, June 7

• This Day in Goodlove History, June 7
• By Jeffery Lee Goodlove
• jefferygoodlove@aol.com
•
• Surnames associated with the name Goodlove have been spelled the following different ways; Cutliff, Cutloaf, Cutlofe, Cutloff, Cutlove, Cutlow, Godlib, Godlof, Godlop, Godlove, Goodfriend, Goodlove, Gotleb, Gotlib, Gotlibowicz, Gotlibs, Gotlieb, Gotlob, Gotlobe, Gotloeb, Gotthilf, Gottlieb, Gottliebova, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlow, Gutfrajnd, Gutleben, Gutlove
•
• The Chronology of the Goodlove, Godlove, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlieb (Germany) etc., and Allied Families of Battaile, (France), Crawford (Scotland), Harrison (England), Jackson (Ireland), LeClere (France), Lefevre (France), McKinnon (Scotland), Plantagenets (England), Smith (England), Stephenson (England?), Vance (Ireland from Normandy), and Winch (England, traditionally Wales), including correspondence with -George Rogers Clarke, George Washington, and Thomas Jefferson.
•
• The Goodlove/Godlove/Gottlieb families and their connection to the Cohenim/Surname project:
• New Address! http://www.familytreedna.com/public/goodlove/default.aspx
•
• This project is now a daily blog at:
• http://thisdayingoodlovehistory.blogspot.com/
• Goodlove Family History Project Website:
• http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/g/o/o/Jeffery-Goodlove/
•
• Books written about our unique DNA include:
• “Abraham’s Children, Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People” by Jon Entine.
•
• “ DNA & Tradition, The Genetic Link to the Ancient Hebrews” by Rabbi Yaakov Kleiman, 2004.

“Jacob’s Legacy, A Genetic View of Jewish History” by David B. Goldstein, 2008.
•
• My thanks to Mr. Levin for his outstanding research and website that I use to help us understand the history of our ancestry. Go to http://thisdayinjewishhistory.blogspot.com/ for more information. “For more information about the Weekly Torah Portion or the History of Jewish Civilization go to the Temple Judah Website http://www.templejudah.org/ and open the Adult Education Tab "This Day...In Jewish History " is part of the study program for the Jewish History Study Group in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
•
A point of clarification. If anybody wants to get to the Torah site, they do not have to go thru Temple Judah. They can use http://DownhomeDavarTorah.blogspot.com and that will take them right to it.


The details for the GOODLOVE FAMILY REUNION were mailed Apr 9, 2011. If you haven't received the information and want to attend, please e-mail 11Goodlovereunion@gmail.com to add your name to the mailing list. RSVP's are needed by May 10.
Goodlove Family Reunion
Sunday, June 12, 2011
Pinicon Ridge Park, Central City, Iowa
4729 Horseshoe Falls Road, Central City, Iowa 52214
319-438-6616
www.mycountyparks.com/County/Linn/Park/Pinicon-Ridge-Park
The plans at the 2007 reunion were to wait 5 years to meet again. But hey, we are all aging a bit, so why wait: Because it was so hot with the August date, we are trying June this year. We hope that you and your family will be able to come. This is the same location as 2007 and with the same details. The mailing lists are hard to keep current, so I’m sure I have missed a lot of people. Please ask your relatives if they have the information, and pass this on to any relative who needs it.
Horseshoe Falls Lodge 8 AM to 8 PM. We will set up and clean up (although help is nice).
Please sign the Guest Book. Come early, stay all day, or just for a while.
Food- Hy-Vee will cater chicken & Ham plus coffee/iced tea/lemonade. Please bring a vegetable, appetizer, salad, bread or dessert in the amount you would for any family dinner. For those coming from a distance, there are grocery stores in Marion for food and picnic supplies.
Dinner at Noon. Supper at 5 PM. Please provide your own place settings.
Games-Mary & Joe Goodlove are planning activities for young & ‘not so young’. Play or watch. The Park also has canoes and paddle boats (see website for more information).
Lodging- The park does have campsites and a few cabins. Reservations 319-892-6450 or on-line. There are many motels/hotels in Marion/Cedar Rapids area.
The updated Family tree will be displayed for you to add or modify as needed.
Family albums, scrapbooks or family information. Please bring anything you would like to share. There will be tables for display. If you have any unidentified Goodlove family photos, please bring those too. Maybe someone will bhe able to help.
Your RSVP is important for appropriate food/beverage amounts. Please send both accepts & regrets to Linda Pedersen by May 10.
Something new: To help offset reunion costs (lodge rental/food/postage), please consider a donation of at leat $5 for each person attending. You may send your donation with your RSVP or leave it ‘in the hat’ June 12.
Hope to hear from you soon and see you June 12.
Mail
Linda Pedersen
902 Heiler Court
Eldridge, IA 52748
Call:
563-285-8189 (home)
563-340-1024 (cell)
E-mail:
11goodlovereunion@gmail.com
Pedersen37@mchsi.com
June 7, 1099: During the First Crusade, the Christians begin the siege of Jerusalem. The armies of the First Crusade (1096-99) reached the walls of Jerusalem. The First Crusade would prove to be the most successful of all of the crusades in terms of meeting the goal of reclaiming the Christian Homeland from the Moslem infidel. Forgotten in all of this were the true titleholders – the Jews – except when it came to massacring them. It is ironic that events on this same seventh day of June set matters to right.
June 7, 1233: For the first time, Jews were ordered to wear distinctive clothing was mandated in Spain. The following year Pope Gregory IX developed guidelines for this, sent in the form of a letter to the King of Navarra: "Since we desire that Jews be recognizable and distinguished from Christians, we order you to impose upon each and every Jew of both sexes a sign, viz, one round patch of yellow cloth of linen to be worn on the uppermost garment."

June 7, 1365: Urban V issued “Sicuti judaeis non debet” a Papal Bull that forbade people from molesting Jews or forcing them to be baptized.
1365-1373: Vivelin/Gutleben in Basel.
June 7, 1494
Pope Alexander VI allows Spain and Portugal to sign the Treaty of Tordesillas, dividing up lands discovered in the new world. They didn’t even know how much land they were talking about.
June 7, 1654: Louis XIV wass crowned King of France. Louis’ record in dealing with the Jews was, uneven to say the least. In keeping with the mercantilist policies of his minister Colbert, Louis issued a charter of liberty for Jews under royal authority in 1671. Among other things, this opened up the port of Marseilles as a harbor where Jews could trade freely, much to the consternation of the local Christian merchants. When the merchants complained, Louis (in a reply probably written by Colbert) responded: “Commercial envy will always impel the Christian merchants to persecute Jews. But you should be above such motives that issue from personal interests. You should take into consideration the benefits the government derives from the industrial activity of the Jews, which comprises all the parts of the world thanks to their association with their coreligionists.” This benign attitude did not last forever. As Colbert fell from favor and Louis grew more pious as he grew older, he acceded to demands to ban Jews from various parts of his empire. In 1710, “He ordered Jews ‘to leave the kingdom without any belongings,’ and told local officials to take any and all means to expel Jews ‘because that is our wish.’”
June 7, 1703
Christopher Smith's occupation prior to his appointment at Wm & Mary in 1716 has always been somewhat of a mystery. The answer may lie in his second marriage to Lydia Broadribb which seems an improbable match given their age. William Broadribb's will notes: “Excepting the land whereon the Schoole house now standeth with half an Acre of Land & fire wood of [mutilated] my Land I do give for the use of a Schoole for ever” Will of William Broadribb, 7 Jun 1703. This opens the possibility that Christopher was the master at Broadribb's school. Some background on colonial Virginia schools and teachers follows:
“Beverley, who wrote in 1703, says: " There are large tracts of land, houses and other things granted to free schools for the education of children in many parts of the country, and some of these are so large that of themselves they are a handsome maintenance to a master; but the additional allowance which gentlemen give with their sons render them a comfortable subsistence. These schools have been founded by the legacies of well-inclined gentlemen, and the management of them hath commonly been left to the direction of the county court, or the vestry of their respective parishes." After this time we learn of many such schools in the county records, the most interesting being Mrs. Mary Whaley's free school in York County, established in 1706, and William Broadrib's in James City County, established about the same time.” Williamsburg The Old Colonial Capital by Lyon Gardiner.
“The justices' intervention in this instance was only in conformity with the general supervision which they and their fellows exercised over all the schoolmasters. The county records show that the county court very frequently recommended to the Governor particular teachers whom they thought fully entitled to receive the license required; for instance, in 1699, the justices of Elizabeth City requested that officer to confer on Stephen Lylly the right to teach; and the same year they apparently made a similar request in Charles Goring's behalf. The latter was declared to be competent to instruct youth in reading, writing, and arithmetic; the former in writing and the English tongue. It would seem that at this time (and this was also probably the case at earlier periods) the first step on a pedagogue's part towards opening a school was to petition the county court to obtain the necessary license from the Governor; and in order to justify the court in doing this, the applicant had to give proofs ' of his learning . The justices practically decided whether he should or should not be allowed to become a teacher, for if they found him incapable, they simply declined to recommend him to the Governor; and when they refused to recommend any one, it is not probable that that official bestowed the license in opposition to their decision. Indeed, the granting of licenses was a purely formal act on the Governor's part, as he, being called upon to make so many appointments of schoolmasters, was compelled to be guided by the recommendations of the county courts. Every county court in Virginia was, about 1699, required to return to the Council Office at Jamestown a list of all the schools situated in its own jurisdiction; and also a statement as to whether the persons fill1ng the position of teacher had obtained licenses or not. Should it be found that some were following this calling without having secured the necessary certificate, then they were to be granted such certificate without any charge, should an examination of their qualifications prove them to be fit and capable; it was evidently the desire of the authorities from whom this order came that the advantage of retaining competent teachers, already busily occupied with their duties, should not be jeoparded by the imposition of any fee.” Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century by Phillip Alexander Bruce.

1. ANDREW1 HARRISON, was in the Rappahannock Valley as early as 1704; re¬sided in St. Mary’s Parish, Essex County, Virginia, where he died in 1718. His wife was Eleanor (surname unknown)
June 7, 1712
The Pennsylvania Assembly bans slavery in the colony.
June 7, 1742
The Spanish are repulsed by the English in the Battle of Bloody Marsh off the coast of Georgia, during the War of Jenkins’ Ear.
1743: David Vance, (often written Vaunce by the first co. elk.) The first of the name was one of the Hite party—settled South of where Winchester now stands; reared a large family, who intermarried with many prominent families: Glass, Hoge, White and others. Their descendants are found in Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, N. Carolina, and several Western States—some becoming prominent in affairs of State and church. David was one of the justices forming the first court, 1743.
Old county records show numerous transactions in land—in the old county office fully one hundred entries made from the arrival of the emigrant to 1840. Several of the descendants left wills: Andrew Vance in 1743, David, 1745; Elizabeth, James, John, James (2), Robert and William—all of which are recorded in county clerk's office, and show names of children, etc., and much that can be learned of the location of many of them. In 1753 Samuel son of Andrew "sold his land and settled in Ky." Joseph C, son of David, settled on 450 acres of land in Hampshire Co., devised to him by his father. David and John inherited the home farm, which embraced part of the farm near Hillman's Toll Gate on the Valley Pike. The old stone mansion stood on the East side, a few hundred yards South of the gate, and was in good condition prior to the Civil War, when it was destroyed by Federal Soldiers in 1863, to avenge the killing of a number of a scouting party, in a skirmish with the writer's Company of Cavalry. A score of dismounted Confederates used the house as an impromptu fort, and wrought havoc on the advancing cavalry, while the main body of Confederates engaged the Federals on their flank. The old house was regarded as an historical landmark,—it being held as one of the numerous places where the youthful Washington frequently visited his friend James Vance, who in 1778 enlisted in Company No. 7 under Daniel Morgan; and later held a commission. James married Eliza, second daughter of Samuel Glass the emigrant. We have some evidence that three brothers came with Hite: Samuel, James and Andrew, though it has been considered by many of the descendants that James and Andrew were the sons of David. Andrew died in 1753, and owned land as early as 1742. James also had settled on his land in 1742.
Hon. Zebulon Vance, the distinguished North Carolinian, was a descendant of the emigrant; likewise two prominent Presbyterian divines, now in active service in their church.


June 7, 1767: In late March or early April 1767, the final accounting of Edward Lanham's estate
was made by Daniel and Catherine McKinnon(51 52). St John's parish register shows Daniel, son of
Daniel and Catharine McKinnon was (born April 19, 1767) baptized June 7, 1767(53). These finding
when taken together indicate Daniel re-married and his second wife was Catherine Lanham.

In 1768 Daniel appears to have again returned to England and was ordained by the Bishop of London
in 1768(54).

Surprisingly for the times there is no evidence that Ruth McKinnon and Eleanor's father were in anyway held criminally responsible for the adultery which was considered a serious crime at the time. The only punishment that can be found is Daniels' publication of the illegitimate birth and the resulting scandal. Could it be that Eleanor's father was of such influence that the crime was not further pursued?
June 07, 1769 Frontiersman Daniel Boone first began to explore the present-day Bluegrass State of Kentucky.

June 7, 1771; Agreed with Mr. Pendleton of Frederick for all trhe land to be included by a line to be run from northwest corner of Owen Thomas’ patent to a corner of the land on which James McCormick lives; my line supposed to contain about 180 acres for L 200, the money to be paid in 2 years with interest from the 25th of Next December. This year’s rent to be paid to me, and only a special warrantee to be given with the land. Got done breaking up my corn ground at the mill.

FROM MR. JAMES CLEVELAND.
CANHAWA GREAT BEND
June 7th 1775
SIR


These lines Comes to Let you know how I go one With improven First I Cleard & got in Corn abote 20 or 25 acares or More Which is More then I rote Before I have bult as Much as Would be praised To about i6o Pounds by the Men that is to praise It as the lands is hard to Clear & rail timber very Schase [?] I find from Expearance that buldin is the Best Way I have rote So Much about the Saryents That I Shall Say No more about them as I got All them from the Townes but one & the king Brought him a Cross the ohio to Fort blare but Before I Could git their he had Swam over So That I have him to go after a gain & as I have lost 6o od Dayes all ready I am resolved Not to Fetch him home again I Must Tack any thing I Can git again these that are hear I am a Bliged to Watch I rote to you that one of them Must be drownded but the indanes Saved his life So I have got him again -the- The time Lost And Expences is More then I Can sell them for I have but 12 bushells of Corn at this time & know Meat to be had & the hands threatenes to run a Way know & When there is No bread thay will stay NotAso I thinck it best to Trie to git some Down & as I am a huge to send up to the botomes I have Sent three of the Sarvents To Major Crawford & Directed him to Sell them on the best Turmes he Can I have No Cash to Send for provisions but Gives & order on you Which I Expect will Doe if Not to bring the Corn I left at Sympsons & if got to leave & Exxact a Count of it & all That Thay bring so that When you Call for it you May know what stock I have Cpt Russell Who has Assisted Me in Gitting of The Sarvents has all so promist Me Salt And some Meat & three Cowes tho it Tis Contrary To his Directions the Letter No 9 I thought to a Bought all the Cattel but as the Indains At this time is Not sattesfied about the treaty And ar Ware en1 the white Skalpe that thay Got last year I Shall Not by any thing that I Can Do With thout the improvement seames Two Small Which mackes me Desiros that you Should Come out as soon as Possebele you Can. But if the affares of aMerica Would Not aMit of that Right very full to Me about your affares hear & all so let me know: affares is ther When you look at the Worck Done remember That fore of the hands has Done Nare Dayes Worck sence Thay Came hear & Lost time & know thay must go by Warter for it tis Much as thay Can Doe to walck know about As I have menchioned in the letters before aBout Close Some of which Will Come to hand Be Cause I inClosed them To Mr John peak & pr favour of Mr Roberts Lewtenant So I Con Clude yours to Command
JAMES CLEVELAND

June 7, 1776: On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, who had issued the first call for a congress of the Coloneis, introduced in the Continental Congress at Philadelphia a resolution declaring Philadelphia A RESOLUTION DECLARING :that these United Colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent States, that they are absolved from allegiance to the Britiah Crown, and thath all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved. That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation.”
On July 1 and 2, Lee’s Resolution of June 7 was debated by the Congress and on the second day it was adopted unanimously 12-0 (New York not voting.)
For the next two days Jefferson’s draft was discussed, reviewed, revised, deleted., etc. The result was that the draft was unanimously adopted. (There were 86 changes, eliminating of 480 works, leaving 1,337 in final form.)
It was ordered that:
“the declatation bne authenticated and printed That the committee appointed to p;repare the declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conventions and committees, councils ofr safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops, that it be proclaimed tn in each of the United States, and at the head of the army.”
Only 19 of the broadsides are known to have survived , in whole or in partr.
July 4, 1776: On July 4, 1776, the newly written Declaration of Independence was read to the Continental Congress in the State House in Philadelphia.

[June 7, 1782—Friday]
With a start, Col. Crawford awoke in the darkness. A glance at the moon and stars showed him that dawn was not far off. So exhausted had he and the five others been from the attle, the flight and the lack of sleep that, shortly after settling down to await nightfall yesterday, they had all fallen into a deep slumber. Now, mentally cursing himself over the loss of valuable travel time under the cover of darkness, the commander quickly awakened the others and, cautioning them to silence-especially the four who had joined them, since their voices had announced their approach before they were seen—he now led them eastward.
As they strode along single file in the predawn darkness, they crossed a stream running southwest, which Crawford accurately assumed was the headwaters of the Sandusky River. Immediately after the crossing they came to a well—traveled trail that, in the poor light, they mistook for the trail they had followed on the way to reach the Sandusky villages. Convinced that the army they were endeavoring to rejoin could not be very far ahead, they followed it at increased speed, congratulating themselves on their success thus far in their escape.
They were a bit premature. The trail was not, in fact, the one that they had followed on the way out but was, instead, the main Indian trail from the upper Sandusky villages to the village of the powerful Delaware chief who had been so prominent at the battle, Wingenund. However, so convinced were they that they could only be a short distance behind the army that, as dawn lightened the eastern horizon, they put aside their plan to go into hiding during the daylight hours and continued following the trail. The morning grew brighter, and the air soon was vibrant with the cheerful sound of meadowlarks and robins and other songbirds greeting the new day with their territorial warblings. For over half an hour the men followed the trail as the day gradually became brighter.
It was close to sunrise when Crawford, becoming progressively more concerned, came to the conclusion that the trail they were following was not, in fact, the one by which they had arrived. It was not quite so broad as that one, and, equally disconcerting now that they could see the ground clearly, there was no evidence that the main army had passed this way. In a low voice Col. Crawford made known his growing fears to the others, cautioned them to be especially on the alert and began looking for a place where they could go into hiding for the day.
It was already too late for that. A dozen of Wingenund’s warriors, themselves unseen, had glimpsed the six men approaching and instantly realized they were Americans, even though they were walking in single file as the Indians habitually traveled. The Delawares quickly took up a position in hiding near the edge of a fairly open woodland to waylay and capture them.
Crawford and his men had already decided to hole up for the day in that very woods, and they came to it without pause, wholly unsuspecting of any trouble until the Delawares leaped into view with leveled guns and ordered them to throw down their weapons and surrender. Instantly assessing the situation, the colonel, who was in the lead and most vulnerable, obeyed the command, but behind him the reaction was different.
“Scatter!” Capt. Biggs shouted, and the five men behind Crawford plunged off the trail and into the woods like startled deer. Dr. Knight treed behind a large oak nearby, but the other four kept going, running at top speed and staying fairly close together. The surgeon snapped off a shot at the leader of the Indians but missed in his haste.
“Stop shooting!” Crawford called. “It’s no good. Throw down your gun and surrender, or they’ll kill you.”
Dr. Knight, on the verge of being killed by the Indians, tossed his weapon to the
ground and emerged from behind the tree with his hands raised. The leader of the Indians, a tall, well-built young man, gave an order and the gun was snatched up at once. The surgeon was brought back to the trail. At the same time half the warriors raced off in pursuit of the four whites who had escaped.
The leader of the six remaining Delaware’s recognized Col. Crawford and stepped forward and took his hand. The colonel breathed a little easier, taking this as a demonstration of friendship. It was not; rather, it was a public avowal to the other warriors that, as the leader, this warrior was claiming the capture of Col. William Crawford, knowing that when word of it spread, he would receive much acclaim as the captor of their dreaded enemy.
Crawford and Knight, with two warriors ahead of them and four behind, were now taken the remaining short distance to Wingenund’s Village and confined with nine other soldiers already being held prisoner there, all of whom were greatly heartened at seeing their commander. Crawford immediately asked to see Wingenund, whom he knew well from that chief’s numerous visits to Fort Pitt in the past. They had become more than mere acquaintances, and once, in fact, Wingenund had even stayed overnight as a guest in Crawford’s house.
In a short while Wingenund appeared and shook hands with Crawford, but his expression was grim, his demeanor cold.
“Don’t you remember me, Wingenund?” Crawford asked.
“I remember you well, Crawford.”
“Do you remember that we were friends?”
“Yes, I remember all this and that we have often drunk together and that you have been kind to me.”
“Then I would hope,” Crawford said earnestly, “the same friendship still continues.”
“We would still be friends if you were in your proper place and not here.”
“What do you mean by that, Wingenund? I hope you would not desert a friend in time of need. Now is the time for you to exert yourself in my behalf, as I would do for you if you were in my place.”
Wingenund shook his head and made a slashing gesture with one hand. “No! You have placed yourself in a position where your former friends cannot help you.”
“And how have I done that? Friends are friends, and they should always help one another.”
“There is the matter,” Wingenund said slowly, “of the cruel murder of some of my people who had become Moravians, who would not fight and whose only business was praying. The Delawares—and the Wyandots and Shawnees, too—are very angry for what happened and are crying aloud for revenge.”
Crawford nodded. “Your anger and theirs is justified. I myself thought those murders were despicable, and I spoke out strongly against those who committed them. I had no part in them. I, and other friends of yours and all other good men, oppose such acts.”
“That may be. I believe it. I have always felt that you are a good man, Colonel Crawford. Yet you and these friends and other good men did not prevent him from going out again to kill the remainder of those inoffensive yet foolish Moravian Indians. I say foolish,” Wingenund added, “because they believed the whites in preference to us. We had often told them that they would one day be so treated by those people who called themselves their friends. We told them there was no faith to be placed in what the white men said; that their fair promises were only intended to allure, in order that they might more easily kill us, as they have done many Indians before they killed those Moravians.”
His surge of optimism oozing away, Crawford shook his head. “I am sorry to hear you say that, Wingenund. As for Williamson’s going out again, when it was known he was determined on it, I went out with him to prevent his committing fresh murders.”
Wingenund snorted in derision. “This,” he said, a note of irritation in his voice, “the Indians would not believe, even were I to tell them so.”
“And why wouldn’t they believe it?”
“Because it would have been out of your power to prevent his doing what he pleased.”
“Out of my power?” Crawford protested. “Have any Moravians been killed or hurt since he came out?”
“None. But you went first to their town and finding it empty and deserted, you turned on the path toward us. If you had been in search of warriors only, you would not have done so. Our spies watched you closely. They saw you while you were gathering on the other side of the Ohio. They saw you cross that river. They saw you when you camped at night. They saw you turn off from the path to the Moravian town. They knew you were going out of your way. Your steps were constantly watched and you were allowed to proceed until you reached the spot where you were attacked.”
Crawford started to interject something, but Wingenund cut him off with another slashing gesture of his hand. “No! What you did, Colonel Crawford, was wrong. You departed from where you should be. You not only made no effort to punish that bad man, Colonel Williamson, now you have gone to war with him against us. Williamson was the man we wanted but unfortunately he ran off with others in the night at the whistling of our warriors’ balls, being satisfied that now he had not Moravians to deal with, but men who could fight and with such he did not want to have anything to do. Now,” he said, and here a tone of regret crept into Wingenund’s voice, “you must pay for Williamson’s crime because you have not attended to the Indian principle that as good and evil cannot dwell together in the same heart, so a good man ought not to go into evil company.”
“What will they do with me now?” Crawford asked, his voice barely a whisper.
“I say, as Williamson has escaped and they have taken you, they will take revenge on you in his stead.”
“And is there no possibility of preventing this? Can’t you somehow get me off? I promise you, Wingenund, if you can save my life, you’ll be well rewarded.”
Wingenund shook his head emphatically. “Had Wiffiamson been taken with you, I and some friends, by making use of what you have told me might, perhaps, have succeeded in saving you. But as the matter now stands, no man would dare to interfere in your behalf. The King of England himself, were he to come to this spot with all his wealth and treasure, could not do so. The blood of innocent Moravians, more than half of them women and children, cruelly and wantonly murdered, calls out for revenge. The relatives of the slain, who are among us, cry out and stand ready for revenge. The Shawnees, our grandchildren, have asked for your fellow prisoner,” he pointed at Dr. Knight, “and on him they will take revenge.” His voice rose with wrath. “All the nations connected with us cry out, revenge! Revenge! The Moravians, whom you went to destroy, having fled instead of avenging their brethren, the offense has become national and the nation itself is bound to take revenge.”
With nothing left to say, Wingenund sadly shook his head and walked away, leaving Crawford crestfallen and without hope.
Less than an hour later, the Delawares who had set out after Capt. John Biggs and his four men returned bearing five bloody scalps, two of which Crawford recognized as the hair of Biggs and Lt. Hankerson Ashby.
It was just after sunset this same day that Thomas McQueen and the lieutenant and Frenchman accompanying him stopped in their flight, this time planning to get a full night’s rest, as much for their horses as for themselves. Since the beginning of the wild retreat, when they had become separated from the main army, they had moved along at a steady pace day and night, pausing only four times, for an hour each time, to give their jaded horses a much-needed rest. Now, only a short distance from the old Fort Laurens area—as McQueen put it, “within spittin’ distance of home”—they hobbled their horses in a meadow clearing in the woods and stretched out nearby.
Having had nothing to eat these past two days except a handful of parched corn apiece, they were ravenous. The Frenchman suggested they hunt some game, but McQueen said he thought it would not be a good idea, as a gunshot might be heard by Indians. A few minutes later, however, the lieutenant, turning his head as he lay supine in the grass, saw a raccoon climbing about in the upper branches of a tree.
“By God,” he exclaimed, “there’s dinner!”
He snatched up his rifle and, over McQueen’s protests, ran over to the tree and brought down the raccoon with a single shot through the head. He carried it back to the other men, grinning broadly, told McQueen to gather up some firewood and started to skin the dead animal. McQueen reluctantly got to his feet, and the lieutenant had no more than inserted his knife blade under the raccoon’s skin when a party of ten Wyandots emerged from the trees with their guns trained on the three volunteers. They had no choice but to surrender.
As nightfall approached, the eight Chippewa captors of Pvts. Michael Walters and Christopher Coffman stopped at their temporary camp a few miles to the east of Wingenund’s Town. Now, however, instead of having just the two captives, they had three.
After the Indians had ambushed them and Joshua Collins managed to escape, the Chippewas had started with their captives back to their own little camp a mile or so from where Walters and Coffman had been captured.
Shortly after the Chippewas began marching the two prisoners toward their camp, they came across a wounded volunteer sitting on the edge of the trail—Pvt. James Guffee. He had taken a bullet through his shoulder during the retreat but had not been knocked out of the saddle, and he managed to get this far through the prairie before he collapsed, weak and exhausted, and fell to the ground. When he finally came back to awareness, his horse was nowhere in sight. He had walked until he had come across this trail, where he had sat down to rest and where the Chippewa party found him. Knowing he was not strong enough to flee from the approaching Chippewas, he simply drew his hunting knife from its sheath, threw it in the trail and made no resistance to being taken captive.
Michael Walters gave Pvt. Guffee some jerky to eat, and within minutes it seemed to have a decidedly recuperative effect upon him. This was perhaps in part inspired by Walters whispering to him that if he was unable to walk along with them as a captive, he would be tomahawked. In a few minutes they were on their way again. It was deep twilight before they finally arrived at the camp of the Chippewas in a secluded glen within a small grove of trees. The instant they stopped, Pvt. James Guffee slumped to the ground. He did not look at all well, and both Walters and Coffman noticed that his shirt was showing fresh blood from his shoulder wound.
“I hope,” Walters murmured to his companion, “the rest he’ll get tonight will help him.”
Christopher Coffman nodded, but he seriously doubted it.

June 7th Thursday, 1782
June 7th Thursday [Friday],we moved off at the dawn of Day. Not an hour after, we heard the Scalp hIalloo, and found that the ennemy had scalped a Boy of ours who with two others remained behind to bake Bread. These were taken, this unfortunate Boy (John hayes) was shot in the Shoulder on Tuesday. On Wednesday the party of mounted Yagers Wounded him with a Tomahawk in the Skull, but were obliged to leave him behind, being hot pursued by our horse. he having a Breech Olous &c [sic] on, and the Blood of his Wound having painted his face & breast quite red, he was taken for an Indian & 2 of our Men levelled their rifles at him to shut him, [sic] when he begged for God’s sake not to be killed and told his name. He seemed a little franctic after this last Wound and could not escape his fate of being scalped,
We march’d with little Order but much precipitatjoy?~ over the beach ridge, where the road was much softer & deeper after Yesterday’s Rain, this gives ?rue reason to suspect that the different seasons must have a great influenice Upon the Practicability of passing it.
We continued to Day the plainest path as mentioned in this Journal June 3nd which led us into the glades near Mohickin John’s Town, where we encamped along the Banks of the Creek.


The following is the British and Indian official correspondence concerning the expedition:

[ John Turney TO MAJOR A. S. De Peyster, CoMMANDER AT DETROIT.]
“CAMP UPPER SANDUSKY, June 7, 1782.
“Sir:—I am happy in having the pleasure of acquainting you with our success on the 4th and 5th instant. On the 4th, about 12 o’clock, the enemy appeared about two miles from this place. Captain [William] Caldwell, with the rangers and about two hundred Indians, marched out to~ fight them, and attacked them about 2 o’clock. The enemy immediately retreated to a copse of wood at a little distance, where they made a stand and had every advantage of us as to situation of ground people possibly could wish for; as there was but a small neck of woods that we could get possession of, which, when we once gained, the action became general and was dubious for some time till we obliged them to retreat about fifty yards, after which we were able to cover most of our men. The battle was very hot till night, which put a stop to firing. Both parties kept their ground all night.
“On the 5th at daybreak, we again commenced firing, which we kept up pretty briskly till we found the enemy did not wish to oppose us again. How¬ever, we kept firing at them whenever they dared show themselves. They made two attempts to sally, but were repulsed with loss. About 12 o’clock, we were joined by one hundred and forty Shawanese, and had got the enemy surrounded; but, through some mistake of the Indians, there was one pass left unguarded, through which they made their escape about 12 o’clock at night, though some of the Indians pursued them.
“They [the Indiansi never alarmed our camp until daybreak. As soon as I heard of it Ithe retreat of the Americans], I pursued them with the rangers about two miles. The enemy were mostly on horseback. Some of the Indians who had horses followed and overtook them, killed a number, and it was owing to nothing but the country being very clear that any of them escaped.
“Captain Caldwell was wounded in both legs, the ball lodging in one. He left the field in the beginning of the action. Our loss is very inconsiderable. We had but one ranger killed and two wounded. LelTillier, the interpreter, and four Indians were killed and eight wounded. The loss of the enemy is one hundred killed and fifty wounded, as we are informed by the prisoners. The number of the killed we are certain of.
“Captain Caidwell started for Lower Sandusky on the evening of the 4th instant. I intend to march there likewise in a day or two, where I shall wait your orders unless something should turn up before I hear. from. you. They say [General George Rogers] Clark will be in the Shawanese country and that Sandusky is the most proper place for us to be at, till such time as we are certain the report is true.
“Too much cannot be said in praise of the officers and men and the Indians. No people could behave better. Captain [Matthew] Elliott and Lieutenant Clinch in particular signalized themselves.
“Major DE PEYSTER. JOHN TURNEY, Lieut. Corps of Rangers.”

John Turney to Major A. S. De Peyster, Commanding at Detroit.

“CAMP UPPER SANDUSKY, June 7, 1782.

“Sir:—I am desired by the Wyandots to return you thanks for the assist¬ance you have sent them just in time of need, and they hope their Father will send them some provisions, ammunition and some clothing, as they say they are quite naked. They beg if possible a few more men; and the Half King a little rum to drink his majesty’s health and the day on which he was born, as that was the day on which they defeated the enemy. They hope you will tell the Indians in general at Detroit to be ready to come to their assistance as soon as they send a runner, which may be in a few days as the enemy are coming into the Shawanese country. I am your most obedient, humble servant. John Turney,
“Lieut. of the Rangers, commanding Upper Sandusky. “Major De Peyster.”

SPEECH OF CAPTAIN SNAKE ON BEHALF OF THE MINGOES, SHAW¬ANESE AND DELAWARES TO DE PEYSTER.]

“UPPER SANDUSKY, ,June 8 [7], 1782.
“Father:— What we asked of you this spring, it is needless to repeat, you granted to us. Your assistance came in good time. We have, with your people, defeated the enemy. There is another army coming against us from Kentucky. This we are certain of, not only from prisoners, but from our young men who are watching them.
“Father! We hope you will again grant our request and let the rangers remain at Lower Sandusky about ten days and then march for our villages~ We hope, if possible, you will send some more of your people and stores, such as are necessary for warriors, with cannon and provision sufficient to maintain the Indians you may send to us. This you cannot do too soon, as we are determined if the enemy do not come into our country that we will go into theirs; and we will give you all the assistance in our power to transport your provision and what other necessaries you may send for your people.
“We hope, Father! you will not fail but send us all assistance possible. [Three strings of black wampum.] CAPTAIN SNAKE.
“To Major DR PEYSTER, Commanding Detroit and dependencies.”.

ALEX. MCKEE OF THE BRITISH INDIAN DEPARTMENT TO DE PEYSTER.]
UPPER SANDUSKY, June 7, 1782. 1

“Dear Sir:— You have already an account of the repulse of five hundred of the enemy who advanced near to this place and were surrounded by near an equal number of Indians with the rangers; but, being too sure of taking the whole, and an unlucky maneuver of the Indians ordering the sentinels posted around them to fire, showed the enemy their weakest part through which they escaped under cover of a dark night. However, they were pur¬sued and dispersed. But it is difficult to ascertain the numbers killed, as the Indians are still bringing in prisoners and scalps, and numbers are still after them whose intentions are to follow them to the Ohio. Many, by the pri.son¬ers’ accounts, must perish in the woods, having left their clothes and baggage.
“The chiefs assembled here have also spken to you their sentiments, which is to go against the enemy, provided they find the enemy is not coming soon against them from Kentucky; though it is generally believed they will; and that ten days or a fortnight will put us in certainty of their designs; in the mean time, that our forces be collected and wait at Sandusky until they send word what is further to be done. They likewise beg you to send them what further assistance you can, with a further supply of ammunition and stores suitable for warriors; as that on the way they think will not be sufficient and having already expended all they had. I shall go hence to Lower Sandusky where Captain Caidwell is and wounded, to see how matters can be settled there with the Indians, and thence proceed to the Shawanese towns. I am, with great respect, dear sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
“Major A. S. DR PEYSTER, A. MCKEE.
“Of the king’s regiment, commanding Detroit, etc.”

June 7, 1782
On this day, which was the second after the retreat, one of our campany, the person affected with the heumatic swelling, was left behind some distance in a swamp. Waiting for hism some time we saw him coming within one hundred yards, as I sat on the body of an old tree mending my moccasins, but taking my eye from him I saw him no more. He had not observed our tracks, but had gone a different way. We whistled on our chargers, and afterwards called for him, but in vain. Nevertheless he was fortunate in missing us, for he afterwards came safe into Wheeling, which is a post of ours on the Ohio, about 70 miles below Fort Pitt. We traveled on until night, and were on the waters of the Muskingum from the middle of his day.
Having caught a fawn on this day, we made a fire in the evening and had a repast, having in the meantime eat nothing but the small bit of pork I mentioned before.

June 7, 1795 - John Stephenson, Marcus Stephenson and John Massey of Harrison County, conveyed to Benjamin Harrison of same, 500 acres in Harrison County, part of 1,000 acre tract granted to heirs of Hugh Stephenson in consequence of an entry made on a Military Warrant entered by said Harrison on June 24, 1780, etc. Consideration £100. Acknowledged Harrison Court July 1795 by grantors.

June 7, 1809
Ordered that David Vance be allowed Nineteen days as Lister of Salem Township.

Tues. June 7, 1864
Still cloudy and rainu
No boats down today
Corps went out on a scout
Cool in evening

June 7, 1864
President Lincoln is nominated for a second term at the Republican National Convention in Baltimore.
German authorities in France publish regulations adopted the previous day requiring Jews in the Occupied Zone to wear a yellow star. The text of the ordinance:
I
Distinctive Insignia for Jews

1. It is forbidden for ajews of the age of six and older to appear in public without wearing the yellow star.
2. The Jewish star is a star with six points having the dimensions of the palm of a hand and black borders. It is of yellow cloth and displays, in black letters, the word “Jew.” It should be worn very visibly on the left side of the chest, firmly sewn to the garment.

II
Penalties

Infractions of the present ordinance will be punished with imprisonment and fines or one of these penalties. Police measures, such as imprisonment in a camp for Jews, may be added to substituted for these penalties.

• III
• Entry in Force
• The present ordinance will be effective June 7, 1942.
• The wearing of the yellow star was never imposed on Jews in the Unoccupied Zone, even after the Germans occupied all of France later in 1942.

June 7-8, 1942
Fearing demonstrating of public sympathy with Jews on the first day the yellow star becomes obligatory, the SS and French police plan to arrest non-Jews who wear the star or a derisory insignia. No demonstrations of importance take place, but in a mood of visible disapproval, some French non-Jews, most of them young, display their feelings. Fifteen men and 20 women are arrested in Paris for wearing Jewish stars with inscriptions such as “Swing,” “Zazou,” “Victory,” “Goy,” “Catholique,” “Auvergnat,” “Jenny,” or “Dany.” Nine men and 11 women over the age of 18 are interned, the men in Drancy, the women in the camp of Tourelles. These “Friends of the Jews”, the label they wear on stars sewn on their chests, are freed after three months detention.
June 7, 1947
President Truman signs peace treaties with Italy, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Hungary.