This Day in Goodlove History, October 22, 2014

11,898 names…11,898 stories…11,898 memories…
This Day in Goodlove History, October 22, 2014

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Jeffery Lee Goodlove email address: Jefferygoodlove@aol.com

Surnames associated with the name Goodlove have been spelled the following different ways; Cutliff, Cutloaf, Cutlofe, Cutloff, Cutlove, Cutlow, Godlib, Godlof, Godlop, Godlove, Goodfriend, Goodlove, Gotleb, Gotlib, Gotlibowicz, Gotlibs, Gotlieb, Gotlob, Gotlobe, Gotloeb, Gotthilf, Gottlieb, Gottliebova, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlow, Gutfrajnd, Gutleben, Gutlove

The Chronology of the Goodlove, Godlove, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlieb (Germany, Russia, Czech etc.), and Allied Families of Battaile, (France), Crawford (Scotland), Harrison (England), Jackson (Ireland), Jefferson, LeClere (France), Lefevre (France), McKinnon (Scotland), Plantagenets (England), Smith (England), Stephenson (England?), Vance (Ireland from Normandy), Washington, Winch (England, traditionally Wales), including correspondence with George Rogers Clark, and including ancestors William Henry Harrison, Andrew Jackson, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, John Adams, John Quincy Adams and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Martin Van Buren, Teddy Roosevelt, U.S. Grant, Benjamin Harrison “The Signer”, Benjamin Harrison, Jimmy Carter, Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, William Taft, John Tyler (10th President), James Polk (11th President)Zachary Taylor, and Abraham Lincoln.

The Goodlove Family History Website:

http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/g/o/o/Jeffery-Goodlove/index.html

The Goodlove/Godlove/Gottlieb families and their connection to the Cohenim/Surname project:

• New Address! http://wwwfamilytreedna.com/public/goodlove/default.aspx

• • Books written about our unique DNA include:

• “Abraham’s Children, Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People” by Jon Entine.
•
• “ DNA & Tradition, The Genetic Link to the Ancient Hebrews” by Rabbi Yaakov Kleiman, 2004.



Birthdays on October 22….

ELENOR BANES Wright (1st cousin 4x removed)

Joseph BANES (1st cousin 4x removed)

MARGARET Crawford (3rd cousin 5x removed)

William H. Goodlove (2nd great grandfather)

John Kirby (3rd great granduncle of ex)

Eugene LeClere (1st cousin 1x removed)

Margaret J. McKinnon (2nd cousin 3x removed)

Mason J. Olmstead (1st cousin 2x removed)

Tyler J. Olmstead (1st cousin 2x removed)

Ada R. Stephenson(half 4th cousin 4x removed)

Mary Vance Harper (2nd cousin 6x removed)

Boyle H. Wesley

October 22, 1537: King Francis I of France accepted James's proposal over Henry's and conveyed his wishes to Mary's father. Francis had a marriage contract prepared that offered James a dowry as large as if Mary were a princess.[8] Mary's mother found the contract "marvellously strange", because the king had included Mary's son's inheritance in the dowry.[9] Mary received the news with shock and alarm, as she did not wish to leave family and country, especially as she had just lost her first husband and her younger son. It has been said that her father tried to delay matters apparently until James, perhaps sensing her reluctance, wrote to her, appealing for her advice and support.[10] However the authenticity of this letter, which was first produced in 1935, has been questioned.[11] David Beaton travelled to France for the marriage negotiations. He wrote to James V from Lyon on October 22, 1537 that Mary was "stark (strong), well-complexioned, and fit to travel." Beaton wrote that the Duke of Guise was "marvellous desirous of the expedition and hasty end of the matter," and had already consulted with his brother, the Duke of Lorraine, and Mary herself, who was with her mother in Champagne waiting on the resolution of the negotiations.[12]

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/31/Coat_of_arms_of_Mary_of_Guise_as_Queen_consort_of_Scots.png/190px-Coat_of_arms_of_Mary_of_Guise_as_Queen_consort_of_Scots.png

http://bits.wikimedia.org/static-1.22wmf11/skins/common/images/magnify-clip.png

Coat of arms of Mary as queen of Scots

[1]

October 22, 1569: Ciapino Vitelli, sent by the Duke of Alva on the part of Philip II, arrives in London. He is only permitted to have five attendants ; the rest of his suite, consisting of fifty or sixty men, are obliged to remain at Dover. [2]



October 22, 1583: While James VI was at Falkland, there was an attempt made to carry him off; but the Earl of Arran, suspecting what was in agitation. detected the design, which completely failed, and was named " The Bye Course." [3]



October 22, 1770: (GW) Reachd the Mingo Town abt. 29 Miles by my Computation.

Mingo Town (now Mingo junction, Ohio) was an Indian village several miles below Steubenvilbe, Ohio. In 1766 it was apparently the only Indian village on the banks of the Ohio between its location and Fort Pitt; it contained some 6o families [4]



October 22nd, 1770: —(GW) As it began to snow about midnight, and continued pretty steadily, it was about half-past seven before we left the encampment. At the distance of about eight miles, we came to the mouth of Yellow Creek, opposite, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good land, and the ascent to the hills apparently gradual. There is another pretty large bottom of very good land about two or three miles above this.’ About eleven or twelve miles from this, and just above what is called the Long Island, which, though so distinguished, is not very remarkable for length, breadth, or goodness, comes in on the east side of the river, a small creek, or run, the name of which I could not learn) ; and a mile or two below the island, on the west side, comes in Big Stoney Creek, not larger in appearance than the other, on neither of which (hoes there seem to be any large bottoms or bodies of good land. About seven miles from the last-mentioned creek, twenty-eight from our last encampment, ard about seventy-five from Pittsburgh, we came to the Mingo Town[5], situated on the west side of the river, a little above Cross Creeks. ‘This place contains about twenty cabins, and seventy inhabitants, of the Six Nations.

Had we set off early, and kept constantly at it, we might have reached lower than this place to.day ; as the water in many places ran very swift, in general more so than yesterday. The river from Fort Pitt to Logstown, has some ugly rifts and shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to pass, whether from our inexperience of the channel, or not, I cannot undertake to say. From Logstown to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek, is much the same kind of water; that is, rapid in some places, gliding gently along in others, and quite still in many. The water from Little Beaver Creek to Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceding day, and without any shallows; there being some one part or another always deep, which is a natural consequence, as tIne river in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this town, has not widened at all, nor do the bottoms appear to be any larger. The hills which come close to the river opposite to each bottom are steep ; and on the side in view, in many places, rocky and cragged ; but said to abound in good land on the tops. These are not a range of hills, but broken and cut in two, as if there were frequent water courses running- through, which, however, we did not perceive to be the case. The river abounds in wild geese, and several kinds of ducks, butt in no great quantity. We killed five wild turkeys today. Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town, we received the very disagreeable news of two traders being killed at a town called the Grape-Vine Town, thirty-eight miles below this ; which caused us to hesitate whether we should proceed, or wait for further intelligence.



October 22, 1771: (GW) Rid to the Mill again. Captn. Crawford & his Brothr. returnd home. Mr. Jno. Smith of westmoreld. came in the Aftern.[6] [7]



October 22, 1772: (GW) Reachd Fredericksburg to Dinner. Lodgd at Col. Lewis’s.



October 22, 1777: Battle of Fort Mercer[8]



October 22, 1777: The Regiment V. Mirbach departed on March 1, 1776 from Melsungen. It embarked from Breznerlehe on May 12, 1776 and reached New York on August 14, 1776. The regiment was part of the Hessian First Division and took part in the following major engagements:



-- Long Island (NY, August 27, 1776)

-- Fort Washington (upper Manhattan, NY, November 16, 1776)

-- Brandywine (PA, September 11, 1777)

-- Redbank (Gloucester County, NJ, also known as Fort Mercer, October 22-November 21, 1777)



October 22, 1777



On the morning of the 22d, about four o’clock, the corps marched toward Red Bank in the same formation as yesterday, with the slight difference that I formed the rear guard with my company. About nine o’clock we crossed the pass over Timber Creek, which has very marshy banks. A dam of several hundred paces extends across the creek, on which there are two wooden bridges. Two small plantations are situated on this and the other side. I was surprised that we did not leave here at least one jäger company to retain the mastery of this pass, since, after all, the success of our expedition was not yet assured. To be sure, there were the two battalions of light infantry ready for the Jersey post at Cooper’s Ferry, but they could not help much if Washington had gotten wind of this expedition, passed a strong corps across the Delaware, and stationed it at Timber Creek.[9]

Our march went past Strawberry Bank.[10] About one o’clock in the afternoon the corps arrived in a wood which encircled the left side of the fort at rifle-shot distance to the left bank of the Delaware. In this wood a captain[11] and six men from the garrison of the fort fell into the hands of Captain Wreden, who had the advanced guard. They had been ordered to get fresh meat at a plantation and knew nothing of our approach.

The entire corps remained in column on the road in the wood. The men were permitted to sit down and told to eat, but since this day was not bread or provisions day, very few had any bread to break or bite. The officers, especially, were not provided with anything. I had to march with the rear guard to the head of the corps.

During this time Colonel Donop, along with Colonel Stuart[12] (who accompanied this expedition as a volunteer), Major Pauli,[13] and Captain Krug[14] of the Hessian artillery, had already reconnoitered the fort when I reached the corps. As soon as I arrived, the colonel ordered me to inspect the fort and to give him my opinion.

I approached the fort up to rifle-shot range and found that it was provided with a breastwork twelve feet high, palisaded and dressed with assault stakes. On my way back, I met Colonel Stuart with a drummer who was to summon the fort, and right behind them I met Major Pauli, Captain Krug, and both adjutants of the colonel. All these gentlemen regarded the affair with levity. The only man who had any real knowledge, and looked upon the business as serious, was worthy old Captain Krug. I took this man aside and asked him what he thought of the undertaking, whereupon he answered: “He who has seen forts or fortified places captured with sword in hand will not regard this affair as a small matter, if the garrison puts up a fight and has a resolute commandant. We have let luck slip through our fingers. We should not have summoned the fort, but immediately taken it by surprise, for no one knew of our arrival. But now they will make themselves ready, and if our preparations are not being made better than I hear, we will get a good beating.”[15]

After a lapse of a half an hour, Colonel Stuart returned with the following reply: “Colonel Greene,[16] who commands the fort, sends his compliments and he shall await Colonel Donop.”[17]

After this news, which the colonel did not expect, a hundred fascines[18] were made at once by the battalions, and a battery of six regimental pieces [3-pounders], two 6-pounders, and the howitzers were mounted in the wood at rifle-shot distance from the fort. The Linsing Battalion under Captain Stamford (for Colonel Linsing[19] had stomach pains at this time) was to make the attack against the left, the Regiment von Mirbach against the center, and the Minnigerode Battalion on the bastion to the left at the Delaware. The Lengerke Battalion was stationed at the Delaware to cover the rear against an enemy landing. One hundred men from each battal­ion were to carry the fascines, and march in a line at a distance of two hundred paces in front of the battalion. With these the ditch was to be filled, crossed, and the fort scaled with sword in hand. I placed sixteen showed themselves on the parapet.

This was the order which was given, and no one thought about axes or saws with which the obstructions and palisades could be cut down.[20]

The battery began to play, and the three battalions advanced against the fort with indescribable courage. But they were received so hotly by the garrison, and by the vessels which had moved into position during the summons to rake the fort’s flank, that they were repelled with great loss, although several officers and a number of grenadiers scaled the breastwork. Colonel Donop himself and his adjutant, Captain Wagner, were mortally wounded at the edge of the ditch.[21] Captain Stamford, who commanded the Linsing Battalion, was shot through the chest; Minnigerode through both legs; and the gallant Colonel Schieck, who commanded the Regiment von Mirbach, was shot dead at the barred gate. Night ended the battle, and the attacking corps reassembled at the spot from which it had departed for the attack.

Colonel Wurmb immediately ordered the Jager Corps to move up to the edge of the wood to cover the retreat. He personally took the Grenadier Battalion Lengerke, which had protected the rear in case an enemy party had landed from the ships, and hurried with the battalion to the pass of the Timber Creek bridge to occupy it.

Since we had flattered ourselves in advance with a successful surrender, no retreat then was thought of, and no wagons brought to transport the wounded. The seriously wounded officers were carried on the guns and horses, and all the privates who could not drag themselves away on their wounded limbs fell into enemy hands. But since the enemy took the retreat for a trap, and had expected a new attack during the night, the men had to remain on the battlefield a whole night in the most deplorable condition without the slightest care, whereby the majority died of their wounds.[22]

About midnight the entire corps arrived on the other side of Timber Creek, where arrangements were made at once to obtain wagons for transporting the wounded officers to Philadelphia. At eight o’clock in the morning the corps set out again, and crossed the Delaware during the night. The three grenadier battalions moved into cantonment quarters on the outskirts of Philadelphia; the Mirbach Regiment joined the line of the army; and the Jager Corps returned to its post at the Morris house, where it arrived after midnight.

The loss in dead consisted of:[23]

1. Colonel Schieck

2. Captain Bogatsky .

3. Lieutenant Riemann Regiment von Mirbach (4)

4. Lieutenant Wurmb

5. Lieutenant du Puy .

. 6.Lieutenant Groening Grenadier Battalion Linsing (2)

7. Lieutenant Hille • Grenadier Battalion Minnigerode )



8. Lieutenant Offenbach

And 143 noncommissioned officers and privates.

The wounded consisted of:[24]

1. Colonel Donop, right leg shot apart; captured.

2. Captain and Adjutant Wagner, both legs shot to pieces; captured.

3. Colonel Minnigerode, shot through both legs.

4. Captain Stamford, shot through the chest and right leg.

5. Captain Wachs, through the right leg, von Minnigerode.

6. Captain Hendorff, in the arm, von Minnigerode.

7. Captain Schotten, right arm shot off, von Mirbach.

8. Lieutenant Rodemann, through the left leg, von Linsing.

9. Lieutenant Waitz, through the neck and in the head, von Linsing.

10. Lieutenant Rieffer, left foot smashed, von Mirbach.

11. Lieutenant Berner, right leg shot to pieces, von Mirbach.

12. Lieutenant Gottschall, right knee smashed; captured; von Linsing.

13. Lieutenant Heymel, in the left knee; captured; von Minnigerode.

And 253 noncommissioned officers and privates, of whom not thirty men are convalescing.



Moreover, within eight days Colonel Donop, Captain Wagner, and Lieutenants Berner and Gottschall died of their wounds.[25]

This day was especially sad for me. I lost five of my oldest friends, among whom was a relative, and four of my best friends were severely wounded. As long as I have served, I have not yet left a battlefield in such deep sorrow.[26]

The principal mistakes of the attack were as follows:



1. We should not have summoned the fort, but attacked as soon as we arrived. Through this mistake the garrison was alerted, and the armed vessels gained time to draw near for the defense.

2. The plan of attack itself was faulty. We ought to have made the feint attack where the Linsing Battalion attacked, and the real attack in full strength there where the Minnigerode Battalion attacked, because we were covered on this side by the wood up to musket-shot range.[27]



On the morning of the 22d, about four o’clock, the corps marched toward Red Bank in the same formation as yesterday, with the slight difference that I formed the rear guard with my company.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjI7kdfkgt8YvlHF5KglVbUBAyFTWgLHOnGSj73XrxbuUhktITKU251Ncc5OfBp7cYtnfJws3GdidbBFSthahBYlfgjW0jeiACk_18kZrwXgiDBsSqDELYdg2fftK99kh5tPlzJys-nTORJ/s640/Hessian+Map+copy.jpg


About nine o’clock we crossed the pass over Timber Creek, which has very marshy banks. A dam of several hundred paces extends across the creek, on which there are two wooden bridges. Two small plantations are situated on this and the other side. I was surprised that we did not leave here at least one jäger company to retain the mastery of this pass, since, after all, the success of our expedition was not yet assured. To be sure, there were the two battalions of light infantry ready for the Jersey post at Cooper’s Ferry, but they could not help much if Washington had gotten wind of this expedition, passed a strong corps across the Delaware, and stationed it at Timber Creek.

Our march went past Strawberry Bank. About one o’clock in the afternoon the corps arrived in a wood which encircled the left side of the fort at rifle-shot distance to the left bank of the Delaware. In this wood a captain and six men from the garrison of the fort fell into the hands of Captain Wreden, who had the advanced guard. They had been ordered to get fresh meat at a plantation and knew nothing of our approach.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrurXCvwEjq2lklaLnRwEg7NhGv-DLJx7wV-rV3EzM4NhQ5FOSr3WfiWNnL6hNcLckzuBsJAaP6md9wjvPpCkIvHccmk-HyCBFyES42PTn51E0WHIF-K4rFFrnbBQyaX1UiGI1iEN0VA50/s640/RedBankFortEtc.%252C+Hessian+I.jpg


The entire corps remained in column on the road in the wood. The men were permitted to sit down and told to eat, but since this day was not bread and provision day, very few had any bread to break or bite. The officers, especially, were not provided with anything. I had to march with the rear guard to the head of the corps.

During this time Colonel Donop, along with Colonel Stuart (who accompanied this expedition as a volunteer), Major Pauli, and Captain Krug of the Hessian artillery, had already reconnoitered the fort when I reached the corps. As soon as I arrived, the colonel ordered me to inspect the fort and to give him my opinion.

I approached the fort up to rifle-shot range and found that it was provided with a breastwork twelve feet high, palisaded and dressed with assault stakes.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjUXkq9MltBVtDIUKRS6H7F2jNrvw4n0R3V5uHHTHNIQUNrGdE3I-PuZ-eyeU2BpOqmZAtngKoyblJxWcrvLh4ZI1DQJCJ3A3tIM5IdW_LxDwPPZ1UWqJRffkgB4RVY0ezwDAopVdAKx4nJ/s640/Plan+of+Attack+on+the+Fort+at+Red+Bank%252C+21+October+1777.+Ewald.jpg


On my way back, I met Colonel Stuart with a drummer who was to summon the fort, and right behind them I met Major Pauli, Captain Krug, and both adjutants of the colonel. All these gentlemen regarded the affair with levity. The only man who had any real knowledge, and looked upon the business as serious, was worthy old Captain Krug. I took this man aside and asked him what he thought of the undertaking, whereupon he answered: “He who has seen forts or fortified places captured with sword in hand will not regard this affair as a small matter, if the garrison puts up a fight and has a resolute commandant. We have let luck slip through our fingers. We should not have summoned the fort, but immediately taken it by surprise, for no one knew of our arrival. But now they will make themselves ready, and if our preparations are not being made better than I hear, we will get a good beating.”

Ater a lapse of a half an hour, Colonel Stuart returned with the following reply: “Colonel Greene, who commands the fort, sends his compliments and he shall await Colonel Donop.”

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5VUViWoPpFauQbuxmnP2ar1umOL6eLkeNfCCdTKCaY92X_-QyDDym6eI9JuGjm8EZd7HKH8f2AB2qRaLFSii2ZeGNaiuOrsYzxZqnLEoRqanlIMV3_0GR5RJB-C9upihZr4tpb_sju_dZ/s640/Colonel+Christopher+Greene.jpg


After this news, which the colonel did not expect, a hundred fascines were made at once by the battalions, and a battery of six regimental pieces [3-pounders], two 6-pounders, and the howitzers were mounted in the wood at rifle-shot distance from the fort. The Linsing Battalion under Captain Stamford (for Colonel Linsing had stomach pains at this time) was to make the attack against the left, the Regiment von Mirbach against the center, and the Minnigerode Battalion on the bastion to the left at the Delaware. The Lengerke Battalion was stationed at the Delaware to cover the rear against an enemy landing. One hundred men from each battalion were to carry the fascines, and march in a line at a distance of two hundred paces in front of the battalion. With these the ditch was to be filled, crossed, and the fort scaled with sword in hand. I placed sixteen good marksmen at the edge of the wood in the vicinity of the battery, who were to shoot at those men who showed themselves on the parapet.

This was the order which was given, and no one thought about axes or saws with which the obstructions and palisades could be cut down.

The battery began to play, and the three battalions advanced against the fort with indescribable courage. But they were received so hotly by the garrison, and by the vessels which had moved into position during the summons to rake the fort’s flank, that they were repelled with great loss, although several officers and a number of grenadiers scaled the breastwork. Colonel Donop himself and his adjutant, Captain Wagner, were mortally wounded at the edge of the ditch. Captain Stamford, who commanded the Linsing Battalion, was shot through the chest; Minnigerode through both legs; and the gallant Colonel Schieck, who commanded the Regiment von Mirbach, was shot dead at the barred gate. Night ended the battle, and the attacking corps reassembled at the spot from which it had departed for the attack.

Colonel Wurmb immediately ordered the Jäger Corps to move up to the edge of the wood to cover the retreat. He personally took the Grenadier Battalion Lengerke, which had protected the rear in case an enemy party had landed from the ships, and hurried with the battalion to the pass of the Timber Creek bridge to occupy it.

Since we had flattered ourselves in advance with a successful surrender, no retreat then was thought of, and no wagons brought to transport the wounded. The seriously wounded officers were carried on the guns and horses, and all the privates who could not drag themselves away on their wounded limbs fell into enemy hands. But since the enemy took the retreat for a trap, and had expected a new attack during the night, the men had to remain on the battlefield a whole night in the most deplorable condition without the slightest care, whereby the majority died of their wounds.

About midnight the entire corps arrived on the other side of Timber Creek, where arrangements were made at once to obtain wagons for transporting the wounded officers to Philadelphia. At eight o’clock in the morning the corps set out again, and crossed the Delaware during the night. The three grenadier battalions moved into cantonment quarters on the outskirts of Philadelphia; the Mirbach Regiment joined the line of the army; and the Jäger Corps returned to its post at the Morris house, where it arrived after midnight.

The loss in dead consisted of
Regiment von Mirbach
1. Colonel Schieck
2. Captain Bogatsky
3. Lieutenant Riemann
4. Lieutenant Wurmb
Grenadier Battalion Linsing
5. Lieutenant du Puy
6. Lieutenant Groening
Grenadier Battalion Minnigerode
7. Lieutenant Hille
8. Lieutenant Offenbach
and 143 noncommissioned officers and privates
The wounded consisted of:
1. Colonel Donop, right leg shot apart; captured.
2. Captain and Adjutant Wagner, both legs shot to pieces; captured.
3. Colonel Minnigerode, shot through both legs.
4. Captain Stamford, shot through the chest and right leg.
5. Captain Wachs, through the right leg, von Minnigerode.
6. Captain Hendorff, in the arm, von Minnigerode.
7. Captain Schotten, right arm shot off, von Mirbach.
8. Lieutenant Rodemann, through the left leg, von Linsing.
9. Lieutenant Waitz, through the neck and in the head, von Linsing.
10. Lieutenant Rieffer, left foot smashed, von Mirbach.
11. Lieutenant Berner, right leg shot to pieces, von Mirbach.
12. Lieutenant Gottschall, right knee smashed; captured; von Linsing.
13. Lieutenant Heymel, in the left knee; captured; von Minnigerode.
And 253 noncommissioned officers and privates, of whom not thirty men are convalescing.

Moreover, within eight days Colonel Donop, Captain Wagner, and Lieutenants Berner and Gottschall died of their wounds.

This day was especially sad for me. I lost five of my oldest friends, among whom was a relative, and four of my best friends were severely wounded. As long as I have served, I have not yet left a battlefield in such deep sorrow.

The principal mistakes of the attack were as follows:

1. We should not have summoned the fort, but attacked as soon as we arrived. Through this mistake the garrison was alerted, and the armed vessels gained time to draw near for the defense.

2. The plan of attack itself was faulty. We ought to have made the feint attack where the Linsing Battalion attacked, and the real attack in full strength there where the Minnigerode Battalion attacked, because we were covered on this side by the wood up to musket-shot range.

Moreover, the men who carried the fascines in a line should have marched in column around to one spot to fill up the ditch; as it was, the men merely threw the fascines in the ditch and no purpose was served. From my experience, the attack ought to have been made in the following manner:

An officer with twenty men, dispersed, should try to gain the outer edge of the ditch, where they continue to advance as well as fire upon those who are defending the breastwork.

At a distance of one hundred and fifty paces, an officer and fifty men must follow in column, who carry the fascines on their heads, and of whom ten to twenty men are provided with axes. These men carry their weapons over their shoulders. As soon as they arrive at the outer edge of the ditch, they through their fascines into the ditch so that it is filled in to a breadth of four to six feet. As soon as this happens, they jump into the ditch and those supplied with axes cut down the palisades and obstructions and attempt to climb up the breastwork, but remain on the berm.

A battalion follows at a distance of two hundred paces, which likewise approaches the ditch at quick step, crosses the bridge of fascines, and spreads out in the ditch. As soon as they have done this, they climb up the breastwork. The two wing companies remain on the berm and try to drive the enemy away from the parapet by their fire. The two middlemost companies scale the parapet, jump into the work, and attempt to overcome the garrison with the bayonet.

The second battalion follows at a distance of three hundred paces, which, if the first should be repulsed, then repeats the attack.

An attack in this manner surely would be successful, since it has vigor; and the Americans could not repel it as cheaply as they did, for they are said to have lost less than fifty men.

On the whole, this attack belongs to the quixotic variety, which occurs in wars at times. For it was impossible to capture this work without the aid of armed ships, which it had to be assigned to drive away the enemy vessels. But this was impossible, because the Americans had constructed very skillful chevaux-de-frise below Mud Island in the Delaware, where the entrance was blocked with a very thick chain.

In fact, the colonel was supposed to postpone his attack until the next day, the 23d, if he could not take the fort by surprise. On that day, two warships were to approach the chevaux-de-frise as closely as possible to drive away the enemy vessels by their fire. This occurred according to plan. The ships were the AUGUSTA, 64 guns, and the sloop MERLIN, 18 guns. But to magnify the misfortune, the Augusta ran into a sunken chevaux-de-frise and her captain had to blow up the ship, whereby an officer and twenty-six men perished in a boat that was sunk by the enemy.

And I suppose, too, that had we captured the fort, we would not have dared show ourselves in it because it was exposed to the water, and the enemy frigates and galleys could bombard it. We could, of course, mount batteries to drive away the ships, but heavy guns were necessary for this, and the heavy artillery of the army was already employed. But the attack took place to cut off the enemy’s communication with the Province of Jersey, which could also be done by a blockade.

In a word, Colonel Donop was a man of action. He had compared the siege of Mud Island with those of Bergen op Zoom and Olmütz, and had offered to capture Fort Red Bank with one grenadier battalion, which offended the pride of the English. They led him into danger and he fell, where so many men—indeed, so many really brave men—had to bit the dust.[28]



October 22, 1777

Donop placed the eight-pound guns and the two mortars on the right, and in support, Minnigerode’s battalion and the Light Infantry; v. Mirbach’s regiment in the center, v. Linsingen’s battalion on the left; v. Lengerke’s battalion and some Yägers on the Delaware, to guard against a landing and to protect his rear. Before each battalion there were sappers and a hundred men carrying hastily-gathered fascines, led by a captain.

Donop, at 4 PM sent a summons to surrender, with a threat of no quarter, if it was refused, and received a reply that the fort would be held to the last man. As the report was that very few men were seen in the fort, Donop decided to attack at once, and made a stirring address, to which the men replied:

“We‘ll change the name from Fort Red Bank to Fort Donop;” and put himself with his officers, sword in hand, at the head.

They charged gallantly, but soon found their road broken by deep ditches, and could move only singly; they were met with a sharp fire in front and flank from a covered battery and from two vessels in the river. Still the troops pressed on; v. Minnigerode had taken the outlying redoubt by storm; the Americans at first gave way, but soon stood fast and before their fire Donop and Minnigerode and many other officers fell, casting dismay on their men.

Col. v. Linsingen succeeded to the command and did all he could to restore ordcr; but the Hessians fell back in disorder. Dead and wounded were abandoned, and v. Linsingen: brought the little remnant off under cover of the night, and on the next afternoon reached Philadelphia.

The fault lay with Howe, who had refused Donop’s request for more artillery, had not supplied the necessary utensils for a siege, not even sending storniing ladders or any means of scaling the walls — had taken no means to learn the nature of the position, and had, as usual, shown too little respect for the enemy.

Col. Greene had wisely acted on the suggestion of the French engineer, Capt. Duplessis, in withdrawing from the unfinished outwork and concentrating his strength in the fort itself, thus, too, misleading Donop, through the report of the small force that held it.

After the repulse, when the officers came out, Duplessis heard Donop’s cry for help and at once took care of him. The Americans buried 150? and captured over a hundred wounded.

The Hessians lost 650 in all among them Col. v. Schieck, Capt. v. Bojatzky, Lieuts. Riemann, Dupuy, v. Wurmb, Hille and v. Offenbach; Col. v. Donop, Capt. Wagner, Lieut. Heymel, and many slightly wounded; while the Americans reported their loss as 32.[29]

Plan of the Attack on the Fort at Red Bank, 21 October, 1777

The date of the attack, added later in pencil, should read October 22, 1777. At the top center is James Whitall’s house. The legends read as follows: upper right, “Graves of the slain officers”, under long quqdrangle, lower center, “Place where the corps deployed before the attack, and where ist reformed after the attack”; along road below, “Road to Haddonfield”; along right river baFrigates and row galleys of the rebels.

Diary [30]





October 22 to November 21, 1777

Franz Gotlop’s regiment was at Redbank.[31]



October 1777

…they formed the left end of the Hessian line at the attack on Fort Mercer in New Jersey, the Battle of Red Bank. Afterward went into barracks in Philadelphia. [32]


October 22, 1777: Today the artificer [Wolfgang] Lippert, of our Artillery, died at Vauxhall in New York. After the battle at Brandywine Hill, General Howe captured Philadelphia. During the remainder of the summer nothing more of consequence happened, and Howe remained in his fortified camp at Philadelphia. The enemy, four miles below the city, between the city and Chester, had a strong fort on Mud Island, which had 24- and 32-pound cannon and a large complement of men. Also, the Delaware River was blocked by sunken ships and chevaux-de-frise. Also, not far from these forts, lay seventeen enemy ships, which in an emergency could support both forts. Already, in the middle of October, General Howe had detached Colonel von Donop with all the Hessian grenadier battalions, one regiment of light infantry, and two hundred Hessian jaegers to the province of Jersey in order to take Fort Red Bank by storm.

Colonel Donop and his troops attacked with the greatest bravery and ardor, because Donop said the fort should be named after him or he did not want to remain alive. However, the strong garrison, which was made up of the elite of the American army, and the heavy cannon in Fort Mercer on Red Bank, and the enemy fleet of seventeen ships that supported the fort with their fire power, killed so many Hessian grenadiers that the planned conquest of Fort Mercer was prevented.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgS5jwFezF8EHAGa7sFhP3v2vc3hkLuVPX5xOo-ZLIN0CGNbRRE-d8bNeTF6AMmd4zQaJNCVnvlatA_Z9XjZRms338YeW9hv0cFrtaA3d3LyLS-sAL2R6c67glOP1V_g8sh6JmeBuumBYtP/s640/DelRvrFrtMercrMfflnBritFleet%252C+Hessian+II.jpg
Colonel Donop was driven back and fatally wounded, falling into the hands of the enemy; and he died of his wounds. He was, however, buried by the enemy with full military honors. All together, 22 Hessian grenadier officers, including 1 lieutenant colonel, 2 majors, and 7 captains, died on the spot, as well as 385 noncommissioned officers and privates from the four grenadier battalions; and more than 200 men were wounded. The Light Infantry had 170 men killed or wounded, and the Jaegers counted 49 dead or wounded. In order to carry out the plan and open the passage on the Delaware, a reinforcement was needed, and this included our two regiments…. [The Hessian reinforcements arrived on the Delaware during November 10, 1777][33][34]



October 22nd, 1777 this day we Continued Dilligent on our works untill the after Noon about one oClock, when the Enemy Arrived within musket Shoot of our fort. we fired a Cannon or two at them on which they Retired, and kept Sculking in the woods untill half After four oClock, when they Sent in a flagg Demanding the fort but was answered that the fort was not to be Given up on any terms, in Reply to this, they answered that if we Still remain’d obstinate, our blood might be upon our own heads, for we should have no Mercy Shone us. our Answer was we asked for none and Expect none. So granted and in about ten minuts after then begun as Smart a fire as Ever I heard from Eight field pieces and two hoets[?] they had placed against us, at the Same time advanced in two Colems to attack our fort by Storm, when there begun an incesant fire Musketry which Continued forty minuts, when the hessians Retreated in the most Prescipited manner leaving 200 kill’d and wounded in the field, we Spent the greatest part of the Night in bringing in the wounded.[35][36]



W October 22, 1777: . this morning are informed that a party of the Enemy crossed Cooper fery last Evening and was on their way through Haddonfield for this fort / Came a crost this morn from Fort Mifflin / had scarce an opportunity to git into the Fort, before a Flad came to Colo. Green, who commanded the Fort threatening to put the Garrison to [death ?] if he did not surrender it immediately, Colo. Green answered with disdain, that he would defend it ‘till the last drop of his Blood—as soon as the Flag had returned they opined 7 field peaces & 2 howitzers on the fort and played very smartly for about ten moments then rushed on very Rash that even Success could not justify its temerity / they attached on the North & South Sides, the North Side was a breast work within a nother which we cut off and made the Fort small as we had but few men to man it especially the Bigness it was wen we first arrived, the Parapet was high the Dikes deep / a row of strong pallesaids sallied out from the parapet on the gate on the South Side / we had a small place big enough for eight men to fight in which overlooked all the ground round the Fort which was surrounded with double abates / Both of the attacks where such as was expected / the artillery & Musquetry of the fort Great Slawter / they left their command’g officer dying on the Ground in his glacis, and retreated with hurry & Confusion / they raillied in the woods an dleaving thear Dead wounded & a few prisoners (which was under the walls of the Fort that could not handely retreat) in all amounting to about three hundred in our hands they returned to Philadelphia that Night—we feched in to the fort all the Wounded & dressed them shewing as [much] humanity as posable. Colo. Donop was attended with care / in the attack we lost 7 of our Regiment killed & 14 Wounded / [One] of the Killed proved to be my Capn. Shaw who was shot thro the Neck / in all Killed and Wounded it amounted to 31—[37][38]



October 22, 1777: We rose at six in the morning, and assembled in the dining-room, where a good breakfast was prepared for us by candle light. At seven we embarked, and crossing the Delaware, obliquely a little higher up, we landed at Billingsport. This is a fort constructed in 1776, to support the left of the first barrier of the chevaux de frise, destined to block the passage of the river. This post was of no use, for the fortifications having been commenced on too extensive a plan for the number troops which could be spared, it was thought proper to abandon it. They have since been reduced, which is the better, as they are now removed from some points which commanded the fort. The present situation of affairs, not drawing the attention of Government to this quarter, the fortifications are rather neglected. All the battery there was, consisted of one pretty good brass mortar, and five eighteen pounders, (English twenty-fours) which Major Armstrong, who commands on the river, and came to receive me, fired on my arrival. When America had more money, and leisure, she will do well not to neglect this post, as well as all those for the defence of the river. For this war once terminated, she will see no more European armies on the Continent, and all she can have to fear from England, in case of a rupture with her, will be a few maritime expeditions, the sole object of which can be to destroy shipping, to ravage the country, and even to burn the towns within reach of the sea. Unfortunately Billingsport belongs to the state of Jersey, which can reap on advantage from it; and that of Pennsylvania, whose safety it would constitute, has no other means to employ towards fortifying it than its own request, and the recommendations of Congress, which are not always attended to. However this may be, Philadelphia took other precautions for her defence, which depended only on the state of Pennsylvania, and to this advantage is united that of an excellent position, which will soon be made impregnable; I mean Fort Mifflin, whither we went on leaving Billingsport, still ascending the river The isle on which it is built, and that called Mud-Island, support the right of a second barrier of chevaux de frise, the left of which is defended by the fort of Red Bank; but it must be observed that the barrier only blocked the main channel of the river, the only passage by which it was thought that vessels could pass. Near the right bank is Hog-Island, about two miles long, the surface of which, like that of most of the islands in the Delaware is so low, that at high water, nothing is to be seen but the tops of the reeds with which it is covered. Between this island, and the main land, a small passage remained open, but the American s were persuaded that there was not water enough for any ship with guns to pass it. At the extremity of this channel, and in remounting it, we leave on the left a marshy ground, so surrounded by creeks, and inlets, as to form a real island, called Province-Island. This post was in the possession of the enemy; who established batteries there, which incommoded those of Fort Mifflin, but not sufficiently to make the Americans abandon it.

The English army were at that time in a singular situation: they had purchased and maintained possession of Philadelphia the price of two bloody battles; but they were still shut up between the Schuylkill and the Delaware, having in their front Washington’s army, which kept them in awe, and behind them several forts occupied by the Americans, which shut the passage of the Delaware. A large city, however, and a whole army must have subsistence; it became necessary therefore to open the communication by sea, and to secure the navigation of the river. When one recollects the innumerable obstacles the English had to surmount in the present war, it is difficult to assign the cause of their successes; but if we turn our eyes on all the unforeseen events which have deceived the expectation of the Americans, and frustrated their between concerted measures, one cannot but be persuaded that they were devoted to destruction, and that the alliance with France alone proved the means of their preservation. In this voyage, in particular, I saw fresh proofs of it every instant. When the place was pointed out to me where the Augusta, of sixty-four guns, took fire, and blew up in attempting to force the chevaux de frise, and farther,, on the remains of the Merlin, of two and twenty, which ran ashore in the same action, and was burnt by the English themselves, whilst the Hessians were vainly sacrificing five or six hundred men before the fort of Redbank, I figured to myself the English army starved in Philadelphia, retreating with disgrace and difficulty through the Jersey, and my imagination already enjoyed the triumph of America. But of a sudden the scene changed, and I saw nothing but the fatality which collected towards the channel of Hog-Island the waters long confined by the chevaux de frise, and recollected with pain, that on the 15th of November, three weeks after the fruitless attempts I have mentioned, the English succeeded in passing over the bar of this channel, the Vigilant, and another small ship of war; that they thus got up the river, and turned Fort Mifflin, the batteries of which they took from behind, and left the Americans no other resource but to abandon the defence of the chevaux de frise in all parts, and make a precipitate retreat by the left shore of the Delaware.

Taught by sad experience, the Americans have provided in future against the misfortunes which cost them so dear. I saw them with pleasure extending the fortifications of Mifflin’s-Island, so as to enclose the fort on every side, which will be surrounded also by the Delaware in place of a ditch; and as the garrison will have a safe asylum in souterrains, bomb-proof, this fort may henceforth be deemed impregnable. The plan of these works was given by M. du Portail; Major Armstrong showed me them upon the spot, and I found them correspond perfectly with the just reputation of their author.

We now had to visit Redbank; for which purpose we had again to cross the Delaware, which in this place is a mile wide. The gentlemen who was to do the honour there, was impatient to arrive. We had amused ourselves by telling him that the morning being far spent, and the tide about to turn, we should be obliged to omit Redbank, and return directly to Philadelphia. This conductor, whom we diverted ourselves in tormenting, was M. du Plessis Mauduit, who in the double capacity of engineer, and officer of artillery, had the charge of arranging and defending this post, under the orders of Colonel Green. On landing from our boat, he proposed conducting us to a Quaker’s, whose house is half a musket shot from the fort, or rather the ruins of the fort; for it is now destroyed, and there are scarcely any reliefs of it remaining. “This man, said M. de Mauduit, is a little or a tory; I was obliged to knock down his barn, and fell his fruit trees; but he will be glad to see M. de la Fayette, and will receive us well.” WE took him at his word, but never was expectation more completely deceived. We found our Quaker seated in the chimney corner, busied in cleaning herbs: he recollected M. de Mauduit, who named M. de la Fayette, and me, to him; but he did not deign to lift his eyes, nor to answer any of our introducer’s discourse, which at first was complimentary, and at length jocose. Except Dido’s silence, I know nothing more severe, but we had no difficulty in accommodating ourselves to this bad reception, and made our way to the fort. We had not gone a hundred yards before we came to a small elevation, on which a stone was vertically placed, with this short epitaph: here lies buried Colonel Donop. M. de Mauduit could not refrain from expressing his regret for this brave man, who died in his arms two days after the action; he assured us that we could not make a step without treading on the remains of some Hessians; for near three hundred were buried in the front of the ditch.

The fort of Redbank was designed, as I have said above, to support the left of the chevaux de frise. The bank of the Delaware at this place is steep; but even this steepness allowed the enemy to approach the fort, under cover, and without being exposed to the fires of the batteries. To remedy this inconvenience, several gallies armed with cannon, and destined to defend the chevaux de frise, were posted the whole length of the escarpement, and took it in reverse. The American, little practiced in the art of fortifications, and always disposed to take works beyond their strength, had made those of Redbank too extensive. When M. de Mauduit obtained permission to be sent thither with Colonel Green, he immediately set about reducing the fortifications, by intersecting them from east to west, which transformed them into a sort of large redoubt nearly of a pentagonal form. A good earthen rampart, raised to the height of the cordon, a fosse, and an abates in front of the fosse, constituted the whole strength of this post, in which were placed three hundred men, and fourteen pieces of cannon. The 22d of October, in the morning, they received intelligence that a detachment of two thousand five hundred Hessians were advancing; who were soon after perceived on the edge of a wood to the north of Redbank, nearly within cannon shot. Preparations were making for the defence, when a Hessian officer advanced, preceded by a drum; he was suffered to approach, but his harangue was so insolent that it only served to irritate the garrison, and inspire them with more resolution. “The King of England,” said he, “orders his rebellious subjects to lay down their arms, and they are warned that if they stand the battle, no quarters will be given.” The answer was, that they accepted the challenge, and that there should be no quarter on either side. At four o’clock in the afternoon, the Hessians made a very brisk fire from a battery of cannon, and soon after they opened, and marched to the first entrenchment, from which, finding it abandoned, but not destroyed, they imagined they had driven the Americans. They then shouted Victoria, waved their hats in the air, and advanced towards the redoubt. The same drummer, who a few hours before had come to summon the garrison, and had appeared as insolent as his officer, was at their head beating the march; both he, and that officer were knocked on the head by the first fire. The Hessians, however, still kept advancing within the first entrenchment, leaving the river on their right: they had already reached the abates, and were endeavoring to tear up, or cut away the branches, when they were overwhelmed with a shower of musket shot, which took them in front, and in flank; for as chance would have it, a part of the courtine of the old entrenchment, which had not been destroyed, formed a projection at this very part of the intersection. M. de Mauduit had contrived to form it into a sort or caponiere, (or trench with loop-holes) into which he threw some men, who flanked the enemy’s left, and fired on them at close shot. Officers were seen every moment rallying their men, marching back to the abattis, and falling amidst the branches they were endeavoring to cut. Colonel Donop was particularly distinguished by the marks of the order he wore, by his handsome figure, and by his courage; he was also seen to fall like the rest. The Hessians, repulsed by the fire of the redoubt, attempted to secure themselves from it by attacking on the side of the escarpement, but the fire from the gallies sent them back with a great loss of men. At length they relinquished the attack, and regained the wood in disorder.

While this was passing on the north side, another column made an attack on the south, and, more fortunate than the other, passed the abates, traversed the fosse, and mounted the berm; but they were stopped by the fraises, and M. de Mauduit running to this post as soon as he saw the first assailants give way, the others were obliged to follow their example. They still did not dare however to stir out of the fort, fearing surprise; but M. de Mauduit wishing to replace some palisades which had been torn up; he sallied out with a few men, and was surprised to find about twenty hessians standing on the berm, and stuck up against the shelving of the parapet. These soldiers who had been bold enough to advance thus far, sensible that there was more risk in returning, and not thinking proper to expose themselves, were taken and brought into the fort. M. de Mauduit, after fixing the palisades, employed himself in repairing the abattis; he again sallied out with a detachment, and it was then he beheld the deplorable spectacle of the dead and dying, heaped one upon another. A voice arose from amidst these carcases, and said in English, “whoever you are, draw me hence.” It was the voice of Colonel Donop: M. de Mauduit made the soldiers lift him up, and carry him into the fort, where he was soon known. He had his hip broken; but whether they did not consider his wound as mortal, or that they were heated by the battle, and still irritated at the menaces thrown out against them a few hours before, the Americans could not help saying, aloud: “Well! is it determined to give no quarter?” “I am in your hands,” replied the colonel, “you may revenge yourselves.” M. de Mauduit had no difficulty in imposing silence, and employed himself only in taking care of the wounded officer. The latter, perceiving he spoke bad English, said to him: “you appear to me a foreigner, Sir, who are you?” “A French officer,” replied the other. “Je suis content,” said Donop, making use of our language, “je meurs entre les mains de l’honneur meme.” [Translated “I am content; I die in the hands of honour itself.”] The next day he was removed to the quaker’s house, where he lived three days, during which he conversed frequently with M. de Mauduit. He told him that he had been long in friendship with M. de Saint Germain, that he wished in dying to recommend to him his vanquisher, and benefactor. He asked for paper, and wrote a letter, which he delivered to M. de Mauduit, requiring of him, as the last favour, to acquaint him when he was about to die: the latter was soon under the necessity of acquitting himself of this sad duty: “it is finishing a noble career early,” said the colonel; “But I die the victim of my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign.” Fifteen wounded officers were found, like him, upon the field of battle; M. de Mauduit had the satisfaction to conduct them himself to Philadelphia, where he was very well received by General Howe. By singular accident, it happened that the English that very day received indirect intelligence of the capitulation of Burgoyne, of which he knew more than they. They pretended to give no credit to it: “you who are a Frenchman,” said they, “speak freely, do you think it possible?” “I know,” replied he, “that the fact is so; explain it as you think proper.”

Perhaps I have dwelt too long on this event; but I shall not have to apologize to those who will partake of the pleasing satisfaction I experience, in fixing my eyes upon the triumphs of America, and in discovering my countrymen among those who have reaped her laurels.[39][40]



The Battle for Fort Mercer: Isaac Mickle’s Account in Reminiscences, 1845:68-71.

October 22: RED BANK.

…But Red Bank derives little of its celebrity from the fact of its being a decayed capital! Its name has not rung throughout Christendom for any judicial antics of which it might have been the scene in the seventeenth century, but for one of the most brilliant battles—we say it without fear of contradiction’—in our whole Revolution.

Fort Mercer which had been erected here to support the left of the upper chevaux-de-frize, sunk in 1776, to prevent the ascension of the British fleet, was originally designed for a garrison of twelve or fifteen hundred men. When Greene took possession of the works, having but three hundred men, he adopted the suggestion of M. de Manduit, an experienced French engineer, and threw out a large part of the fortification on the north, reducing it to a pentagonal redoubt of convenient size. A rampart of earth raised to the height of the cordon, a fosse and an abattis in front of the fosse constituted the whole strength of the post. The battery numbered fourteen pieces of artillery of small calibre.

Late in the afternoon of the twenty-first of October, 1777, Count Donop with a detachment of about twenty-five hundred Hessians crossed the Delaware at Cooper’s Point to dislodge Greene and the little handfull of republicans who defended this rodoubt. Owing to the precaution of the Americans in destroying the lower bridges on the intervening streams, the Count passed through Haddonfield and down the Clement’s Bridge road to the attack. He pressed several persons whom he found along the route into his service as pilot, among whom was a negro belonging to the Cooper family, called Old Mitch, who was at work by the Cooper’s Creek Bridge. A negro named Dick, belonging to the gallant Col. Ellis, and an infamous white scoundrel named Mcllvaine volunteered their assistance as guides. At the bar of the Haddonfield tavern, these two loyal fellows were very loud in their abuse of the American cause; but their insolence as we shall see was soon repaid.

On the morning of the twenty-second, the Hessians appeared at the edge of a forest north of the fort, almost within cannon shot thereof. Halting here to rest from the march, Donop sent an officer with a drummer to command Greene to surrender. “King George,” said the officer, “directs his rebellious subjects to lay down their arms, and promises no quarter if a battle is risked.” At which Greene deputized a man to mount the parapet and return the laconic reply: “We'll see King George damned first—we want no quarter!” The interview here terminated, and the officer returned to the Hessian camp.*

At four o’clock in the afternoon Donop opened a heavy cannonade from a battery which he had erected to the north-eastward; and at the same time the British ships from below the chevaux-de-frize began to thunder upon the little fort. Most of the balls from the latter fell too low, and entered the bluff beneath the works. After cannonading for a short time, the Hessians advanced to the first entrenchment. Finding this abandoned, they shouted Victoria!—waved their hats, and rushed into the deserted area before the redoubt; the little drummer before mentioned, heading the onslaught with a lively march.

When the first of the assailants had come up to the very abattis and were endeavoring to cut away the branches, the Americans opened a terrible fire of musketry in front and flank. Death rode in every volley. So near were the Hessians to the caponiere or looped trench which flanked the enemy when they set upon the main fort, that the wads were blown entirely through their bodies. The officers leading the attack, fought bravely. Again and again they rallied their men and brought them to the charge. They were mowed down like grass, and fell in heaps among the boughs of the abattis and into the fosse. In the thickest of the fight Donop was easily distinguished by the marks of his order and his handsome figure; but even his example availed nothing. His men repulsed from the redoubt in front, made an attack upon the escarpment on the west, but the fire from the American gallies drove them back here also with great loss; and at last, they flew in much disorder to the wood, leaving among many other slain the saucy drummer and his officer.

Another column made a simultaneous attack upon the south, and in the technical language of a soldier, passed the abattis, traversed the fosse and mounted the berm but they were repulsed at the fraises, and all retreated save twenty, who were standing on the berm against the shelvings of the parapet, under and out of the way of the guns, whence they were afraid to move. These were captured by M. de Manduit, who had sallied from the fort to repair some palisades. This brave Frenchman making another sortie in a few minutes, afterwards to repair the southern abattis, heard a voice from among the heaps of the dead and dying, exclaim in English, “Whoever you are, draw me hence.” This was Count Donop. M. de Manduit caused him to be carried into the fort. His hip was broken, but the wound was not at first considered as mortal. The victorious Americans, remembering the insolent message which their captive had sent them a few hours before; could not withhold marks of exultation.

“Well—is it determined,” they asked aloud, “to give no quarter?”

“l am in your hands,” replied Donop; “you may revenge yourselves.”

M. de Manduit enjoining the men in broken English to be generous towards their bleeding and humbled prisoner, the latter said to him, “You appear to be a foreigner, sir; who are you?”

“A French officer,” answered Manduit.

“Je suis content,” exclaimed the Count in French, “je meurs entre les mains de I'honneur meme.” [Or, “I am satisfied—I die in the very hands of Honor!”]

Donop was taken first to the Whitall house, just below the fort, but was afterwards removed to the residence of the Lowes, south of Woodbury Creek. He died three days after the battle, saying to M. de Manduit in his last moments, “It is finishing a noble career early; but I die the victim of my ambition and of the avarice of my sovereign.” To Col. Clymer he made the remarkable remark: “See here Colonel, see in me the vanity of all human pride! I have shone in all the courts of Europe, and now 1 am dying here on the banks of the Delaware in the house of an obscure Quaker.”

The Hessians retreated hastily towards Cooper’s Ferry. The main body went by way of Clement’s Bridge, some by way of Blackwoodtown, and some it is said by Chew’s Landing, near where they were met by a company of farmer’s boys and held at bay for some time. This detachment had with them a brass cannon which they are supposed to have thrown into the creek somewhere near the Landing.

Dick and Mcllvaine, the guides, having been taken prisoners by the Americans, were immediately hung within the fort for divers outrages which they had committed. Old Mitch, the other pilot, lived until recently to tell to groups of admiring Camden boys how terribly he was scared in this memorable fight. Resolved not to bear arms against his country, and being afraid to run away, he got behind a hay-rick when the battle began, and lay there flat on his belly until it was over. “But Lord, massa!” he used to exclaim in narrating the circumstance, “I gues I shuk, as de dam cannon ball came plowin’ along de ground and flingin’ de san’ in my face; and arter de Auguster blow’d up I tought for half an hour I was dead weder or no!”

The respected friend to whose MSS. notes we have before acknowledged our indebtedness, tells us that of the men under Col. Greene in this action many were blacks and mulattos. He was in the fort on the morning of the twenty-third of October, while the garrison were burying the slain, and cannot be mistaken as to the point. His account of the loss agrees with that contained in Ward’s letter to Washington, to wit: upon the American side, from Greene’s regiment, two sergeants, one fifer and four privates killed, one sergeant and two privates wounded, and one captain who was reconnoitering, taken prisoner; from Angel’s regiment, one captain, three sergeants, three rank and file killed, and one ensign, one sergeant and fifteen privates wounded; and from Capt. Duplessis’ company, two privates wounded. The Hessians lost lieutenant Col. Minigerode, three captains, four lieutenants, and near seventy privates killed, and Baron Donop, his Brigade Major, a captain, lieutenant and upwards of seventy non-commissioned officers and privates wounded and prisoners. Other accounts make the loss of the Hessians much greater; but as the action only lasted forty minutes, it is probable that this is not far from the truth. Several of the Americans were killed by the bursting of one of their cannon, the fragments of which are yet in the neighborhood.

The Hessian slain were buried in front of the fosse, south of the fort. The wounded were carried to Philadelphia by Manduit, and exchanged. Count Donop was interred near the spot where he fell, and a stone placed over him with the inscription “Here lies buried Count Donop.” [Mickle states: The last time we were at Red Bank, Donop’s head-stone was between two cart-ruts and almost overgrown with grass. The inscription on the stone is now entirely worn away.] The epitaph has ceased to be true—all that was left of the poor Hessian having been dug up and scattered about as relics. We doubt not that the Philadelphians who resort to this place in great numbers in the summer, began this outrage; but candor compels us to own that some Jerseymen have been guilty of exhibiting canes, the heads of which are set with teeth taken from the Count’s jaw!

The anecdote of dame Ann Whitall, which the compiler of the Collections [Barber & Howe, 1844] seems inclined to doubt, is so well authenticated that we cannot but believe it. The attack upon the fort commenced while this woman, the mistress of the first house on the river bank below Donop's grave, was busied in spinning. Presently, a shot from the Augusta or Merlin, whizzing through the hall, admonished her of her danger. She thereupon took her wheel into the cellar and actually continued her spinning throughout the afternoon. The house was used as a hospital after the action, and its floors are said still to show traces of the pools of blood which flowed from the wounded soldiers. This anecdote is certainly much more credible than one which Com. Barney mentions in connection with this action. One of the enemy’s gallies had a brass eighteen pounder, which told at every fire. The Americans on board the gun boats “soon became so well acquainted with the short sharp sound of her explosion,” says the Commodore, “that whenever it was heard, some one would cry out, Galley-shot! and this served as a kind of watch-word, at which all hands would lie down.” Dodging a cannon-ball—especially after the report— is by no means an ordinary feat!

As soon as the British had forced the chevaux-de-frize, Fort Mercer was abandoned and began to fall into decay. On the anniversary of the battle in 1829 a neat monument was erected upon the spot by a number of the New Jersey and Pennsylvania volunteers, which the Philadelphians have characteristically mutilated, by striking out the name of New Jersey from the inscription. The legend upon the monument modestly gives Greene one hundred men more than he seems to have had, and makes the number of Hessians five hundred too low.

The following notice of a visit to Red Bank by one whom the Reminiscent is proud in being able to call his friend, is too eloquent to be omitted: “The line of the embankment at Fort Mercer is yet plainly seen; and the place is now, as in the hour of our country’s peril, covered with a gloomy pine forest through whose branches the wind sighs dismally as if chanting a requiem for the spirits of the departed brave. Towards the close of a fine afternoon I visited the battle-ground. Here and there a sail dotted the Delaware, which lay calmly before me. A few solitary fishermen were pursuing their accustomed avocations upon the shore below the bank, and it seemed as if this secluded spot had ever been the abode of peace.

“I lingered until the shades of evening began to darken the distant landscape and enshroud the forest in gloom. The fishermen had gathered their nets and retired to their humble homes; and I was left alone, with no companion but my thoughts, and nothing to disturb save the gentle rippling of the waves upon the smooth pebbly beach. With reflections suggested by the occasion, I was slowly departing when the distant roll of a drum from Fort Mifflin, summoning the soldiers to evening parade, reminded me that war’s dreadful trade was not yet over—that the time had not yet come ‘when the lion and the lamb should lie down together,’ and all nations dwell in peace.”[41][42]



Oct 1777— June 1778

(Franz Gotlop)stationed in Philadelphia[43]



The following two sources list the engagements of the von Mirbach regiment. More analysis of the engagements is needed. JG.



Sunday, January 09, 2005 (3)

Hessian Brass Fusilier’s Cap from the American War. Armed Forces History Collection, Smithsonian Institution.[44]





REGIMENT VON MIRBACH

(MIR plus company number)



The Regiment V. Mirbach departed on 1 March 1, 1776 from Melsungen. It embarked from Breznerlehe on May 12, 1776 and reached New York on 14 August 1776. The regiment was part of the Hessian First Division and took part in the following major engagements:



-- Long Island (NY, August 27, 1776)

-- Fort Washington (upper Manhattan, NY, November 16,1776)

-- Brandywine (PA, September 11,1777)

-- Redbank (Gloucester County, NJ, also known as Fort Mercer, October 22-November 21,1777)



The regiment departed from New York on 21 November

1783 and arrived at Breznerlehe on April 20, 1784.

They returned to their quarters in Melsungen on

May 30, 1784.



Musketeer Regiment von Mirbach, to 1780: Musketeer Regiment Jung von Lossburg, 1780 to war’s end (Hesse Cassel) Arrived at New York August 1776 Sent on the 1777 Philadelphia campaign fighting at Brandywine and Red Bank, N.J. Returned to New York, December, 1777, and stationed there until returned to Germany, 1783. Uniform: Red facings trimmed with plain white lace, white small clothes, red stocks; officers’ lace, silver.

CHIEF: Major General W. von Mirbach, to 1780

Major General W. von Lossburg, 1780 to war’s end

COMMANDER: Colonel J.A. von Loos, to 1777 Colonel von Block, 1777-1779

Colonel C.C. von Romrod, 1777 to war’s end

FIELD COMMANDER: Lieutenant Colonel von Schieck, to October, 1777

Lieutenant Colonel H. von Borck, October, 1777 to war’s end.[45]



October 22, 1777: TORY DROWNED; ZACKWELL MORGAN ARRESTED [Col. John Gibson to Gen. Edward Hand. 3NN182— Transcript.]



FORT PITT October 22d 1777

DEAR GENERAL—Just after the express left this on the 2I~ [Oct.], James Shirley came in here with an account of his being attacked by Indians, between Capt. Cisney’s place & Sam’. Newells on the road to Logstown. They killed one Smith & his daughter, & tomahawked his son, a boy about 6 years old, & after scalping him, left him; the boy is still alive, but I am afraid will not recover.

I am sorry to inform you that the militia of Monongahala county are in the utmost confusion, occasioned by the drowning of Higgison, the noted Tory. The report is that he in company with Col. Zach: Morgan and four others were crossing a flat at the mouth of Cheat River—Higgison was handcuffed & had bolts on his legs & whether he tumbled out, or was thrown out, is uncertain. Some say he was thrown by Col. Morgan:However, the coroner’s inquest have found it wilful murder, & a called court has been held, & Col. Morgan is ordered to Williamsburg for further trial. Capt. Pigman & most of the Captains have resigned, & have publicly declared they will not go on an expedition without Col. Morgan. As I thought the

communicating this to you was of the utmost importance, I have therefore sent this express[46] &c.

JOHN GIBSON

Gen. Hand, Fort Henry.





October 22, 1778:

Head Q8 fort MIntosh Octr 22d 1778

The Col° Comd* is Much Surprisd after gen1 orders being isued to

the Contrary Some Persons as y* unknown have Prosumed to

mark trees in the woods with Initial letters of Their names And

names at large And thereby give great uneasyness to our good

friends and allies ye Delwar nation —our frendly Indians he therefor

Does promice a Reward of five Pound to Any person who

Shall made Information of Such who in contempt of orders have

Acted So Daring And he Does most Strikly forbid the like practise

in future being Deter d [determined] to punish all who Shall ofend

in like manner

Cap1Bays13[47] & comp* on Duty this Day[48]



October 22, 1781: Louis-Joseph-Xavier-François, the Dauphin (October 22, 1781 – June 4, 1789). [49]




October 22, 1796:

Andrew Jackson elected to U.S. House of Representatives.


[50]

October 22, 1818: MARGARET CRAWFORD, b. October 22, 1818; d. 1921. [51]



October 22, 1823

John GUTLEBEN was born on October 22, 1823 in Muhlbach,Munster,Colmar,Upper Rhine,Alsace and died on May 16, 1864 in Muhlbach,Munster,Colmar,Upper Rhine,Alsace at age 40.

October 22, 1823: Thomas Moore was buried in Harrison County, in Poindexter, west of Cynthiana. A broken headstone reads: Sacred to the Memory of Thomas Moore, a Captain in the Army of the Revolution who died October 20, 1823, in the 78th year of his Life.



There is another headstone, which has a partial inscription today but which was copied some years ago: [52]

October 22, 1826: James S Connell, b April 8, 18096 Charleston VA (now Wellsburg WV) d September 24, 1869 Charleston WV m October 22, 1826, Wellsburg, VA (now WV) Eliza Mendle, b March 29, 1811, Brooke County VA (now WV) dau of Henry and Sarah Reeves Mendle d March 29, 1899 Portsmouth, Ohio . [53]

October 22, 1836: William Harrison Goodlove (Bk. I, F- 114) was born Octo­ber 22, 1836, in Moorefield Township, Clark County, Ohio, son of Conrad and Catherine (McKinnon) Goodlove. (Bk. II, F.85)



October 22, 1836: For a period of forty-three years W. H. Goodlove has been continuously identified with the development and improvement of his farm, which is a productive tract comprising two hundred and forty acres, situated on sections 27 and 28, Maine township. During this time his labors have not only advanced his individual interests but have also done much toward public progress and improvement in the locality which has long been his home.

He was born in Clark county, Ohio, October 22, 1836, a son of Conrad and Katharine (McKinnon) Goodlove, the former born in West Virginia and the Iater in Kentucky. They became early settlers of Ohio and in that state the father enlisted for service in the war of 1812. The year 1854 witnessed the arrival of the family in Linn county, Iowa, the father purchasing land in Marion township. His wife had died prior to his removal here, her death occurring in the Buckey state in 1849. He was not long permitted to enjoy his new home in Linn County for his death occurred here in 1861. His family numbered six children only two are now living, the sister of our subject being Mary Ann, of Columbus, Ohio.

W. H. Goodlove was reared in the state of his nativity and acquired his education in the common schools. He had reached mature years when he accompanied his father and the other members of the family on their removal to Linn county and here he assisted in establishing a home in what was then a comparatively new district. He remained with his father until the latter's death and at the outbreak of the Civil war enlisted for service as a member of Company H, Twenty-fourth Iowa Infantry, with which he served for two years. He participated in a number of hotly contested engagements, and, after making a most creditable military record, was mustered out at Davenport. He then returned to Linn county began farming on the old homestead but in 1867 bought the farm on which he has since made his home, embracing two hundred and forty acres on sections 27 and 28, Maine township. He has made the improvements which are now seen on the farm, including a comfortable country residence, a substantial barn and ontbuildings for the shelter of grain and stock. His fields annually yield abundant harvests, for his land is in a productive state, while in the pastures are seen good grades of stock, for he has always made a specialty of raising stock in addition to general farming. He has become a prosperous man, owing to the capable management and unfaltering enterprise which he displays in the conduct of his business interests. [54]



October 22, 1836 – January 17, 1916


William Harrison Goodlove


·









Birth:

October 22, 1836
Clark County
Ohio, USA


Death:

January 17, 1916
Central City
Linn County
Iowa, USA


http://www.findagrave.com/icons2/trans.gif
Born Morefield Township
Enlisted Dec 30, 1863 H Co., 24th IA Inf. Vol. Mus't out at Davenport, IA. He kept a diary.

Esther J. Winans was Wm Harrison Goodlove's 1st wife and they had no children. Wm married 2nd Sarah Catherine Pyle June 20, 1866. They had 7 children: Nettie Illini Goodlove, Willis Ralph Goodlove, Oscar Sherman Goodlove, Cora Alice Goodlove, Earl Lee Goodlove, Jessie Pearl Goodlove, and Jessie's twin who died at birth.

Family links:
Spouses:
Esther Jane Winans Goodlove (1836 - 1864)*
Sarah Catherine Pyle Goodlove (1844 - 1929)*

*Calculated relationship



Burial:
Jordans Grove Cemetery
Central City
Linn County
Iowa, USA



Maintained by: Alice Martin LaRue
Originally Created by: P Fazzini
Record added: Sep 23, 2009
Find A Grave Memorial# 42302971









William Harrison Goodlove
Added by: Gail Wenhardt



William Harrison Goodlove
Added by: AK Gray



William Harrison Goodlove
Cemetery Photo
Added by: Jackie L. Wolfe






[55]

October 22, 1864: The guerrillas, Sim Whitsett among them, participated in the battle of Westport against Kansas militia commanded by the old Jayhawker Jennison. The battled ended in the defeat of Shelby’s troops. This was the last major action that Sim saw fighting as a Confederate soldier, although he continued to participate in minor skirmishes. [56]

Sat. October 22, 1864:

In camp all quiet[57] cold high winds

64 guns was captured in the late battle

(William Harrison Goodlove Civil War Diary)[58]



October 22, 1874: ANN ELIZABETH CRAWFORD, b. March 06, 1836, Jackson County, Missouri; d. October 22, 1874, Blue Springs, Jackson County, Missouri. [59]



ANN ELIZABETH28 CRAWFORD (JEPTHA M.27, VALENTINE "VOL"26, JOSEPH "JOSIAH"25, VALENTINE24, VALENTINE23, WILLIAM22, MAJOR GENERAL LAWRENCE21, HUGH20, HUGH19, CAPTAIN THOMAS18, LAWRENCE17, ROBERT16, MALCOLM15, MALCOLM14, ROGER13, REGINALD12, JOHN, JOHN, REGINALD DE CRAWFORD, HUGH OR JOHN, GALFRIDUS, JOHN, REGINALD5, REGINALD4, DOMINCUS3 CRAWFORD, REGINALD2, ALAN1) was born March 06, 1836 in Jackson County, Missouri, and died October 22, 1874 in Blue Springs, Jackson County, Missouri. She married JOHN B. SELVEY January 24, 1854 in Jackson county, Missouri.

Notes for ANN ELIZABETH CRAWFORD:
Letter of Administration
Ann E. Selvey... Guardian bond for minor heirs. John B. Selvey, sec. by James L. Selvey & Mathew N. Selvey, makes bond of $ 150.00 as guardian of James J., Robert L., Sarah F., Amanda E., Harriet L., John D., Missouri A., William M., Ida M., & Charles E. Selvey minor heirs of Ann E. Selvey. 12 Nov. 1874

Marriage Notes for ANN CRAWFORD and JOHN SELVEY:
Married by Hiram Bowers. [60]





October 22, 1882: Charles Marcus STEPHENSON. Born on February 4, 1842 in Howard County, Missouri. Charles Marcus died in Mendon, Chariton County, Missouri on December 2, 1927; he was 85.



On October 22, 1882 when Charles Marcus was 40, he married Maggie HOLMES, in St. Charles, Missouri. Born on December 11, 1858 in Saline County, Missouri. Maggie died in Chariton County, Missouri on August 7, 1942; she was 83. Was on the census for 52 Years Old in 1910.



They had the following children:

i. William C. Born in 1887.

ii. S. E. Born in 1890.

iii. Charles B. Born in 1896.

iv. Laura E. [61]



October 22, 1905: Ada Ruth Stephenson: . Born on October 22, 1905 in Chariton County, Missouri. Ada Ruth died in Wichita, Kansas on June 21, 1992; she was 86. [62]



October 22, 1925: Between 1925 and 1939, of the 134 students graduating from the Buck Creek High School, only 8 were from Catholic families. Only the King family in Upper Buck Creek seems to have regularly sent its children to high school in buck Creek. The most prominent Catholic family in the district, the Kehoes, seldon did so. Overwhelmingly, those completing high school in the Buck Creek school were from families in the Buck Creek Methodist Church who had been prominent in the figtht to form the consolidated district. Two thirds of the graduates during this period fell into this category. The board of directors in the district remained tightly under the control of the 1920s and 1930s all directors were members of that church. Although it may not have been written into their contracts, all teachers and other imployees of the district were either members of the Buck Creek Church or joined soon after securing their postitions. The district’s first superintendent, Lee Campbell, not only became a member of the chustrch, he also performed as its lay p[astor, filling in for the regular minister on munerous occasions.[63]









IMG_2677[64]



1926

Sunday, September 25, 2005

Earl Goodlove, Jeanette and Donald.





1926: SPAM introduced.[65]

October 22, 1940: Jewish businesses are registered throughout the Netherlands.[66]



October 22-25, 1940: The Jews of Baden, the Palatinate, and Wurttemberg are sent to the Gurs camp in France during Aktion Burckel.[67]



• October 22, 1942: Melanie Gottliebova born June 30, 1892, Bx – October 22, 1942 Treblinka, Transport Bf – Praha.

• 866 zahynulych

• 133 osvobozenych

1 osud nezjisten[68]



October 22, 1947: Eleanor Roosevelt to Walter White

October 22, 1947


Dear Mr. White:

I am very sorry that I can not be with you tomorrow morning at twelve o'clock. As an individual I should like to be present, but as a member of the delegation I feel that until this subject comes before us in the proper way, in a report of the Human Rights Commission or otherwise, I should not seem to be lining myself up in any particular way on any subject.

It isn't as though everyone did not know where I stand. It is just a matter of proper procedure.

Very sincerely yours,[69]

October 22, 1948: By letters patent of Anne's great-grandfather, George V, the titles of a British prince or princess, and the style Royal Highness, were only to be conferred on children and male-line grandchildren of the sovereign, as well as the eldest son of the eldest son of the Prince of Wales. However, on October 22, 1948, George VI issued new letters patent granting these honours to any children of Princess Elizabeth and Prince Philip; otherwise, Anne would merely have been titled by courtesy as Lady Anne Mountbatten. In this way, the children of the heiress presumptive had a royal and princely status. [70]

October 22, 1962

President Kennedy reveals the existence of missile sites in Cuba in a national television address.[71]



[72]

Before his televised address to the nation, JFK looks particularly weary (in Ted Sorensen’s opinion) because of all the political wrangling he has had to do with Congressmen regarding the crisis. JFK tells Sorensen: “If they want this job, fuck ‘em. They can have it. It’s no great joy to me.”



The Cuban Missile Blockade follows, Russia finally backs down and the missiles are removed

from Cuba. This is a humiliating defeat for the USSR and Cuba. JFK’s popularity soars. As the

crisis winds down, Gen. Curtis LeMay bellows at JFK: “We lost! We ought to just go in there today

and knock ‘em off!” JFK can only sputter; his disdain for the Pentagon brass now seems complete.

(RK:HL)

( Also on this night, Washington has ordered a halt to reconnaissance flights around the

world. One flight, however, is ordered to take place. An RB-47 is ordered on a reconnaissance

run across the Black Sea. As the spy plane nears the Crimean peninsula, the flight is suddenly

ordered to abort when twenty-two Soviet fighters are launched with orders to fire at will. The

RB-47 dives low and flies close to the water full throttle toward the Turkish coast. Miraculously,

it makes it.

The Cubans meet with Soviet military officials today. Without consulting the

Cubans, Khrushchev is proposing to JFK an agreement for the withdrawal of the missiles.

During this crisis, JFK tells David Ormsby-Gore: “A world in which there are large

quantities of nuclear weapons is an impossible world to handle. We really must try to get on with

disarmament if we get through this crisis ... because this is just too much.”[73]



October 22, 1963 Army code breaker Pfc. Eugene B. Dinkin (serial number RA

76710292) writes Robert Kennedy from France about a military plot against JFK. Dinkin will

soon go AWOL to offer warnings at various embassies. In a later civil action law suit, Dinkin

writes: “I did offer in this letter a warning that an attempt to assassinate President Kennedy would occur

on November 28th, 1963; that if it were to succeed, blame would then be placed upon a Communist or

Negro, who would be designated the assassin; and believing that the conspiracy was being engineered by

elements of the military, I did speculate that a military coup might ensue. I did request of the Attorney

General that he dispatch a representative of the Justice Department to Metz, France to discuss this

warning.”

LHO rides to work from Irving with Wesley Frazier. In the evening, he returns to 1026

North Beckley on the Beckley bus. AOT[74]

October 22, 1978: In Iran, riots in Hamadan and Bushehr at least six people were killed by police fire.[75]





SAT Delay Used For Israel Bashing Exercise

October 22, 2012 12:46by Simon Plosker

http://honestreporting.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/harvardcrimson-322x56.jpgOn October 16, Lena Awwad and Shatha Hussein wrote in the Harvard Crimson:

As countless students around the world took the SAT a week ago, Palestinians from the West Bank could not join their ranks. The October SAT exam was cancelled for students in the West Bank: The Israeli authorities held the exams sent by the College Board for weeks, not releasing the tests to AMIDEAST’s office in Ramallah.

According to them, “This latest SAT episode is merely a symptom of systematic attacks on Palestinian education.”

Indeed, it’s all too easy to attribute anything and everything to Israeli malevolence towards the Palestinians. Sometimes, however, the truth is rather more mundane, as reported by the AP only four days later:

The US State Department said dozens of Palestinian students whose SAT exams were delayed because of Israeli customs will take the test this Saturday.

State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said Wednesday that about 100 students in the West Bank will sit the exam this weekend.

“I’m happy to say that we have learned that this issue has now been resolved,” Nuland said.

Mahmoud Amara, a Palestinian principal of the Friends School, said the rare two-week delay affected his students’ ability to apply for American universities. He said US officials told them the delay was because the exams arrived during a series of Jewish holidays, when Israeli customs offices were closed.

So, despite the Harvard Crimson’s accusations that Palestinian students have been deliberately targeted, the SAT exams have not been cancelled and those students affected were the victims of something that most Israelis have experienced more than once – simple inefficient bureaucracy.

Those SAT exams were evidently delayed by two weeks. How long will it take the Harvard Crimson to publish a clarification?[76]



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


[1] References[edit]

1. ^ Wood, Marguerite, ed., Balcarres Papers: The French Correspondence of Marie de Lorraine, vol. 1, Scottish History Society (1923), p. 228, c. 1542.

2. ^ Marshall, R. K., Mary of Guise, Collins, (1977), 36–39: Wood, Marguerite, ed., Balcarres Papers, vol. 1, SHS (1923), 1.

3. ^ Wood, Marguerite, ed., Balcarres Papers, vol. 1, SHS (1923), 110 from Joinville, 145 from Fontainebleau.

4. ^ Strickland, Agnes, Lives of the Queens of Scotland, vol. 1, Edinburgh (1850), 337–339, quoting William Drummond of Hawthornden, Works, (1711) 104.

5. ^ Seward, Denis, Prince of the Renaissance, (1973), 193–6; cited Marshall (1977), 38, Rosalind Marshall does not repeat Hawthornden's story.

6. ^ Letters & Papers Henry VIII, vol. 12, part 2 (1891) no. 1285, (Louis de Perreau, Sieur de Castillon to François Ier)

7. ^ Fraser, Antonia, Mary Queen of Scots, Weidenfield & Nicholson, (1969), 7.

8. ^ Teulet, Alexandre, Relations Politiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Ecosse, vol. 1, Paris (1862) 115, (the surviving draft calls Mary, 'Marguerite').

9. ^ Wood, Marguerite, Balcarres Papers, vol. 1, SHS (1923), ix, 3 & fn., "mervyleusement estrange."

10.

11.

12. ^ Marshall (1977), 51–3, but see fn. 15.

13. ^ Marshall (1977), 268–269 (fn. 15), the letter first appeared in Stefan Zweig, Mary Queen of Scots, London (1935), 1–2.

14. ^ Letters & Papers Henry VIII, vol. 12, part 2 (1891) no. 962: Lang, Andrew, 'Letters of Cardinal Beaton, SHR (1909), 156: Marshall (1977), 45, (which suggests he thought the couple had not met)

15. ^ Hay, Denys, ed., The Letters of James V, HMSO (1954), 340-341. The same offer was made to Madeleine of Valois and Mary of Bourbon. See also; Bapst, E., Les Mariages de Jacques V, 324; Teulet, Alexandre, Relations Politiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Ecosse, vol. 1, Paris (1862), 115-118.

16. ^ State Papers Henry VIII, vol. 5 part 4. (1836), 135, Margaret to Henry, July 31, 1538.

17. ^ Thomas, Andrea, Princelie Majestie,(2006): Wood, Marguerite, Balcarres Papers, vol. 1 (1923).

18. ^ Edington, Carol, Court and Culture in Renaissance Scotland, Tuckwell, (1994), 111, citing ALTS vol. 7.

19. ^ Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 7 (1907), 347 (gun-chambers), 357 (fireworks).

20. ^ Wood, Marguerite, Balcarres Papers, vol. 1, STS (1923), 60–61.

21. ^ Strickland, Agnes, Lives of the Queens of Scotland, vol. 2 (1851), 39-41: Clifford, Arthur, ed., Sadler State Papers, vol.1, (1809), 134-5, Sadler to Henry VIII, April 9, 1543; p.86

22. ^ Clifford, Arthur ed., Sadler State Papers, vol. 1 (1809), 249–253, Sadler to Henry VIII, 10 August 1543.

23. ^ Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 9 (1911), 195.

24. ^ Calendar of State Papers Spain, vol. 9 (1912), 569: Teulet, A., ed., Relations politiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Écosse au XVIe siècle, vol. 1 (1862), 220-221

25. ^ Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 9 (1911), 226.

26. ^ Records of the Parliaments of Scotland to 1707 Haddington Abbey, July 7, 1548

27. ^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 1 (1898), 155, Ruthven to Grey.

28. ^ Marshall, Rosalind K., Mary of Guise, Collins (1977), 175.

29. ^ Murray, James AH. ed.,The Complaynt of Scotland, 1549, EETS (1872), 2.

30. ^ Michaud & Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection des memoirs pour server a l’histoire de France, vol. 6 (1839) 6–7.

31. ^ Marcus, Merriman, The Rough Wooings, Tuckwell (2002), 337–339, 344–345, "ny ont laisse que la peste derriere eulx."

32. ^ Merriman, Marcus, The Rough Wooings, Tuckwell (2000), 346.

33. ^ Jordan, W.K., Chronicle of Edward VI, London (1966), 22, 24, 26, 27, 29.

34. ^ Lodge, Edmund, Illustrations of British History, vol. 1 (1791), 137, Lambeth Palace Talbot Mss. vol. B, f.205, Lodge assumes it was Francis, not Claude.

35. ^ Michaud & Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection des Memoires pour servir a l'histoire de France, vol. 6, (1839), 39.

36. ^ British Library festival books website "C'est la Deduction du Sumpteaux Spectacles, ... Rouen (1551)". , 8.

37. ^ Tytler, Patrick Fraser, England under Edward & Mary, vol. 1 (1839), 329.

38. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, Mary of Guise, Tuckwell (2002), 69–71, 81–5, 250–255.

39. ^ Calendar State Papers Foreign Edward, (1861) 97, no. 332, John Mason to PC, April 29, 1551.

40. ^ Calendar State Papers Spain, vol. 10 (1914): Jordan, WK ed., Chronicle of Edward VI, (1966), 62.

41. ^ Calendar State Papers Foreign Edward, (1861), 103.

42. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, Mary of Guise, Tuckwell, (2002), 66, 86–90

43. ^ Calendar State Papers Foreign Edward, London (1861), 190–1, (PRO SP68/9/85)

44. ^ Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol.2 part 2, Oxford (1822), 255 & vol. 2 part 1, 501, citing treasury warrant April 1553.

45. ^ Starkey, David, The Inventory of Henry VIII, Society of Antiquaries, (1998), no. 3504, p94, notes Edward's warrant March 24, 1553.

46. ^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 10 (1914), 391.

47. ^ Aylmer, John, An Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe Subjectes agaynst the Late Blowne Blaste, concerninge the Government of Wemen, Strasborg (1559): quoted by Strickland, Agnes, Lives of the Queens of England, vol.6 (1844), p.59.

48. ^ Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. 2 part 1, Oxford (1822), 502–3.

49. ^ Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 10, (1913), xvi, 32–34.

50. ^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 10 (1914), 608–609, Queen Dowager to Mary of Guise 23 December 1552.

51. ^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 11, (1916), 41–42.

52. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, Mary of Guise, (2002), 94.

53. ^ Reports on various collections: Manuscripts of Robert Mordaunt Hay at Duns Castle, vol.5, HMC (1909), p.90-1.

54. ^ Michaud & Poujoulat, Nouvelles collection, vol. 6, (1839), letters from Mary of Guise to her brothers: Wood, Marguerite, (1923), letters to Mary of Guise

55. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, (2002), 127–128

56. ^ CSP Scotland, vol. 1 (1898), p.203 no.426, 21 January 1558.

57. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, Mary of Guise, Tuckwell (2002), pp.126-9; 153–155; 163–7; 182–187, citing Lambeth Talbot Ms. 3195.

58. ^ Ritchie, Pamela, Mary of Guise, Tuckwell (2002), 205–207.

59. ^ CSP Scotland, vol. 1 (1898); p.221, Croft to Cecil, July 3, 1559; 212–3, 215, Croft to English council, May 19 & 22 & June 5, 1559; no. 500, 'Articles of Leith'

60. ^ Knox, John, History of the Reformation, book 3, various editions.

61. ^ CSP Scotland, vol. 1 (1898), 266–7, Randolph to Sadler & Croft, 11 November 1559.

62. ^ Dickinson, Gladys, ed., Two Missions od de la Brosse, SHS (1942), pp.151-157.

63. ^ CSP Scotland, vol. i (1898), 389.

64. ^ Dickinson, Gladys, Two Missions of de la Brosse, SHS (1942), 171–177.

65. ^ Laing, David, ed., Works of John Knox, vol.2 (1846), p.592, citing Tytler, P.F., History of Scotland, and Pere Anselme, Histoire Genealogique, vol.3, "en bronze en habit royaux, tenant le sceptre et la main de justice."

66. ^ Dickinson, Gladys, Two Missions of de la Brosse, SHS (1942), 176–179.

67. ^ Knox, John, History of the Reformation, vol. 2, 68.

68. ^ CSP Scotland, vol. i (1898), 389 and CSP Foreign Elizabeth, vol. ii (1865), 604, April 29, 1560.


[2] http://archive.org/stream/lettersofmarystu00mary/lettersofmarystu00mary_djvu.txt


[3] http://archive.org/stream/lettersofmarystu00mary/lettersofmarystu00mary_djvu.txt


[4] (Cramer, Navigator, 25n).


[5] The American Indian leader who came to be called Logan was born in Pennsylvania circa 1725. His father was born in Pennsylvania circa 1725. His father was a Cayuga Indian named Shikellamy. Shikellamy later renamed his son after James Logan—a prominjent Pennsylvanian and old friend. Logan grew up in Pennsylvania and came to view many whites as his friends. Chief among them was David Zeisberger, missionary of the Moravian Church. Logan eventually married a Shawnee woman and moved to Ohio circa 1770.

He settled in Yellow Creek, a village of Mingo Indians. He became a war leader but continured to urge his fellow natives not to attack whites settling in the Ohio Country. (ohiohistorycentral.org) I wonder if Logan allowed the Washington group to pass through unharmed. JG.


[6] Before William Crawford left Mount Vernon, GW paid him £41 14s. 4d. on account of the officers and soldiers of the Virginia Regiment and, on his own account, “5 half Joes,” gold Portuguese coins worth a total of £1 I lOs. Virginia currency (LEDGER A, 345).


[7] The Diaries of George Washington, University Press of Virginia, 1978


[8] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Kemp%27s_Landing






[9] On the day of the battle Washington wrote to Brigadier General Silas Newcomb, commander of militia in southwestern New Jersey, ordering him to fall upon the rear of the enemy if the latter should invest Fort Mercer. Newcomb did not receive this letter in time; he did not attack the Hessian rear during the battle and failed to harass their retreat (The Writings of George Washington, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 39 vols. [Washington, 193 1-44], IX, 413; Chaplain Ebenezer David to Nicholas Brown, Nov. 5, 1777, in John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, R.I.).




[10] Strawberry Bank is modern Wescottville. The Hessians marched from Haddonfield to Red Bank ‘by way of a place then known as Cattletown, to the King’s Highway, above Woodbury and toward Red Bank” (Heston, South Jersey, I, 164-65).


[11]Captain Oliver Clark, who had been sent out to reconnoiter (Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution, p. 350).


[12] Lieutenant Colonel, the Honorable Charles Stuart, a member of Parliament. He was a major until promoted four days later, on October 26; he had been assigned to the 43d Regiment at Newport, Rhode Island. Stuart was the son of Lord Bute, the former Prime Minister, and became a confidant of Sir Henry Clinton (Ford, British Officer5. p. 169; Dzasy of Frederick Mackenzie, 1, 203; William B. Willcox, Portrait of a General: Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence ~New York, 1964], p. 278; A Prime Minister and His Son, from the Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Bute and of Lt.-General the Hon. Sir Charles Stuart, KB., ed. The Hon. Mrs. E. Stuart-Wortley [London and New York, 1925]. p. 117).


[13] Major Georg Henrich Pauli, Hessan Field-Artillery Corps, assigned to the Grenadier Battalion von Linsing, and a veteran of the Seven Years’ War. Of his conduct General von Knyphausen wrote on December 13, 1777: “He has taken to drinking so much that he is frequently unfit for duty” (Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhessischen Feldartillerie-Regiments Nr. 11, pp. 162, 728).


[14] 131. Staff Captain Johann Georg Krug, Hessian Field-Artillery Corps, also a veteran of the Seven Years’ War. His biography, as well as Major Pauli’s, is in the work cited above (ibid., p. 716).


[15] The “Journal.. . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 30) says, “The enemy had been informed this morning of the approach of the troops and hastily prepared to defend the fort.” But the “Journal.. . hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode” (p. 178) states that von Donop should have attacked at once: “The door of the fort stood open and the sentinels at the gate and in the fort were pacing quietly up and down with their guns on their shoulders, probably unloaded.”


[16] 133. Lieutenant Colonel Christopher Greene, 1st Rhode Island Regiment. Washington had sent Greene to Red Bank, and wrote him on October 9: “The post with which you are entrusted is of the utmost importance to America. . . . The whole defense of the Delaware absolutely depends upon it; and consequently all the enemy’s hopes of keeping Philadelphia and finally succeeding in the object of the present campaign” (Heston, South Jersey, I, 165).


[17] Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah Olney, 2d Rhode Island Regiment, had been deputed to meet “a British major” who had advanced with a white flag, demanding the surrender of the fort. Olney replied: “We shall not ask for nor expect any quarter, and mean to defend the fort to the last extremity.” But after the war, Ewald related that when the fort was summoned “A resolute, loud ‘By God, no!’ was the answer” (Catherine R. A. Williams, Biography of Revolutionasy Heroes; Containing the Life of Brigadier Gen. William Barton, and also, of Captain Stephen Olney [Providence, 1839], p. 223; “Feldzug der Hessen nach Amerika von Ewald,” p. 23, Hessian MSS, no. 5, Bancroft Collection, New York Public Library).


[18] Bundles of sticks, twigs, or small branches of trees bound on both ends and in the middle.


[19]Lieutenant Colonel (later Colonel) Otto Christian Wilhelm von Linsingen; born 1731/33 at Birkenfelde, Hesse-Cassel; Chief of Grenadier Battalion von Linsingen, called Linsing by Ewald and others (HETRINA, nos. 4637-39).


[20] Just before the attack Colonel von Donop summoned the fort a second time: “After two hours had elapsed, he again summoned the fort to surrender, but he received the same answer as before” (“Journal... hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode,” p. 179).


[21] The “Journal... Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 31) states that Colonel von Donop “did not want to be carried back and therefore fell into enemy hands.” This remark is confirmed by the “Journal. . . hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode” (p. 181), which says, “He absolutely refused to allow himself to be brought to Philadelphia.”




[22] The Americans in the fort feared to open the gate, although Colonel von Donop was taken into the fort by Major Simeon Thayer, who arrived after dark. The next morning the wounded Hessians were carried to the fort and to the nearby Whitall house (Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes, p. 225).




[23] 140.Officers not previously identified: (2) Captain Wilhelm Erdman von Bogatsky; (3)

First Lieutenant Johann Conrad Riemann; (4) Second Lieutenant Carl von Wurmb; (5)

First Lieutenant Konrad du Puy; (6) Staff Captain Johannes von Groening; (7) First

Lieutenant Georg Wilhelm Hille; (8) Second Lieutenant Karl von Offenbach (HETRINA,

nos. 2240, 3163, 3880, 5552; German Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 315; Letters and

Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 126).


[24] 141. Officers not previously identified: (2) Staff Captain Johann Emanuel Wagner, mortally wounded; (4) Captain Ludwig Friedrich von Stamford; (5) Captain Henrich

Friedrich Wachs; (7) First Lieutenant Friedrich Andreas Schotten (Baurmeister calls him “Lieutenant Schutten, my sister’s only son”); (8) Second Lieutenant Johann Ludolf Rodemann; (9) Second Lieutenant Friedrich Wilhelm Waitz von Eschen; (10) Second Lieutenant Carl Friedrich Rieffer (Ruffer); (11) Ensign Hieronymus Berner; (12) Second Lieutenant Dietrich von Gottschall, mortally wounded; (13) Second Lieutenant Ernst Philipp Wilhelm Heymel; also wounded was Captain Karl Wilhelm von Eschwege, 1st Company, Grenadier Battalion von Linsing (HETRINA, nos. 453, 2436, 3074, 3859, 6092, 8041, 8083, 8132; GermanAllied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, pp. 288, 291, 314—15; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 126-27).




[25] 142. Lieutenant Berner recovered. Colonel von Donop was removed from the Whitall house to the Low house across the dam at Woodbury Creek, where he died on October 29; he was buried with military honors at the lower end of the fort. His grave was later despoiled and his remains reportedly scattered as relics and souvenirs. The Rutgers University Library displays a skull which a New Jersey physician claimed was the colonel’s. But the Rev. Schroeder states that the government of Hesse-Cassel removed von Donop’s remains for reinterment in his own country (Heston, South Jersey, I, 167-68; Barber and Howe, Historical Collections.., of New Jersey, p. 210; Lossing, Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 84; John F. Schroeder, Life and Times of Washington, 2 vols. [New York, 1857], I, 597).


[26] 143. The battle lasted about forty minutes; contemporary accounts list the Hessian losses variously. Von Knyphausen’s official report lists 82 killed, 229 wounded, and 60 missing, totaling 371. Baurmeister gives 377 killed and wounded, about 100 wounded being captured. Captain Stephen Olney believed “their killed and wounded exceeded 400.” Ewald reports 154 killed (including three mortally wounded) and 263 wounded, totaling 417. The number of wounded who did not recover is unknown (Lowell, The Hessians, pp. 208, 301; Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes, p. 224; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 126).


[27] Diary of the American War , A Hessian Journal by Captain Johann Ewald pgs. 97-102




[28] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html


[29] The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence, 1776-1783 by Max von Eelking pgs. 118-120






[30] of the American War, A hesssian Journal, by Captain Johann Ewald pg. 100-101




[31] JG


[32] This summary of the activities of the Hessian grenadier battalions is drawn principally from Baurmeister. JF


[33] The Battle for Fort Mercer: The Americans Abandon the Fort and the Crown’s Forces March In
Text below extracted from A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution, Döhla, 1990:56, 59-61.


[34] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html


[35] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html


[36] The Battle for Fort Mercer: The American Defenders
Text below extracted from the Diary of Colonel Israel Angell, Commanding Officer, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment, Continental Army.


[37] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html


[38] The Battle for Fort Mercer: Defender Jeremiah Greenman’s Account Below text extracted from Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783, 1978:81-83.


[39] The Battle for Fort Mercer in Memoriam: An After-Action Recollection Three Years Later Text below extracted from Travels in North America in the Years 1780-1781-1782 by the Marquis de Chastellux, 1827:121-127.


[40] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archive.html


[41] The Battle for Fort Mercer: Isaac Mickle’s Account in Reminiscences, 1845:68-71.


[42] http://jerseyman-historynowandthen.blogspot.com/2011_02_01_archie.html


[43] JF




[44] Washington’s Crossing, by David Hackett Fischer pg. 58




[45] Encylopedia of British, Provincial, and German Army Units 1775-1783 by Philip R. N. Katcher




[46]The Virginia assembly passed a law in the autumn of 1777, appointing three commissioners to proceed to Fort Pitt and examine the extent of the dissatisfaction in that neighborhood; Hening, Statutes, ix, p. 374. The Loyalist disaffection in this region seems to have been a direct result of Hamilton’s letters and proclamations, already cited. In the autumn of 1777 the affairs of the colonists appeared desperate. and many thought to save their lives and property by giving adherence to the king. British agents sent a test oath, which was secretly taken by a number of poor and ignorant people in that part of Pennsylvania and Virginia that borders the Monongahela and Youghiogheny rivers. Col. Thomas Gaddis and Col. Zackwell Morgan were especially active in arresting and quelling this uprising. A skirmish was held, and the Loyalists dispersed. Higginson (or Hickson) seems to have been the only one who was killed, and his drowning was claimed to be accidental. His grave was marked for many years at the forks of Cheat River. Col. Zackwell Morgan was arrested and tried for the murder of this prisoner, but was acquitted at the trial. For a detailed account of the episode, see the reminiscences of John Crawford in Draper MSS., 6NN86-101. The excitement in the West was intense. Many prominent men were suspected. Col. George Morgan was placed under arrest for a brief time; and even Hand’s fidelity was in question. The disaffection finally culminated in the flight to the British (March, 1778) of Col. Alexander McKee and his party.




[47] 13 Captain Bay (Thomas ?), Robert McCready makes several mentions of Captain

Bay's company without recording a given name. Robert McCready's Pension

Records, National Archives, S-5747 (Robert McCready). Here it is apparent

that Bay's company was a local militia company from around the neighborhood

of Well's Fort, which was near the Cross Creek settlement where

McCready was situated. Boyd Crumrine, in his History of Washington

County, Philadelphia (1882), 721, states that Alexander Wells was one of

the first settlers of Cross Creek (now Jefferson) Township, prior to 1772;

took up 1500 acres of land on the Middle Branch of Cross Creek and 500

acres on the North Branch of Cross Creek, near the village of the same

name; patented to Alexander Wells, 1780; sold 500 acres on the MiddleBranch

to Thomas Bay, April 23, 1796. This is the only mention of the name of

Bay that comes to light.


[48] Robert McCready's Orderly Book


[49] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_XVI_of_France


[50] http://www.wnpt.org/productions/rachel/timeline/1791_1811.html


[51] http://penningtons.tripod.com/jepthagenealogy.htm


[52] John Moreland book page 269-271.


[53] http://www.brookecountywvgenealogy.org/CONNELL.html


[54] History of Linn County pgs. 374-375 Public Library of Cedar Rapids, Iowa.




[55] http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GSln=Goodlove&GSbyrel=in&GSdyrel=in&GSob=n&GSsr=41&GRid=42302971&


[56] http://whitsett-wall.com/Whitsett/whitsett_simeon.htm


[57] During the remainder of the month of October the regiment participated in the various movements of its brigade and division in the Shenandoah Valley, but did not again come into contact with any considerable force of the enemy.

(Roster of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Rebellion Vol. III, 24th Regiment-Infantry.

http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ia/county/linn/civil war/24th/24 history p2.htm


[58] Annotated by Jeffery Lee Goodlove


[59] Crawford Coat of Arms.


[60] Crawford Coat of Arms.


[61] www.frontierfolk.net/ramsha_research/families/Stephenson.rtf


[62] www.frontierfolk.net/ramsha_research/families/Stephenson.rtf


[63] There Goes the Neighborhood, Rural School Consolidation at the Grass Roots in Twentieth Century Iowa, by David R. Reynolds, page 220.




[64] The Marion Sentinel, August 26, 1937


[65] (SFC, 12/25/98, p.A4)(SFEC, 5/7/00, p.T4)(WSJ, 2/3/04, p.A1)(AP, 8/29/07)


[66] Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Israel Gutman, Editor, page 1764.


[67] Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Israel Gutman, Editor, page 1764.


[68] Terezinska Pametni Kniha, Zidovske Obeti Nacistickych Deportaci Z Cech A Moravy 1941-1945 Dil Druhy


[69] http://www.gwu.edu/~erpapers/documents/correspondence/doc007678.cfm


[70] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anne,_Princess_Royal


[71] On This Day in America by John Wagman


[72] LBJ Presidential Library, Austin TX, February 11, 2012


[73] http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v2n1/chrono1.pdf


[74] http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v2n1/chrono1.pdf


[75] Jimmy Carter, The Liberal Left and World Chaos by Mike Evans, page 502


[76] http://honestreporting.com/sat-delay-used-for-israel-bashing-exercise/