This Day in Goodlove History, October 21
Jeff Goodlove email address: Jefferygoodlove@aol.com
Surnames associated with the name Goodlove have been spelled the following different ways; Cutliff, Cutloaf, Cutlofe, Cutloff, Cutlove, Cutlow, Godlib, Godlof, Godlop, Godlove, Goodfriend, Goodlove, Gotleb, Gotlib, Gotlibowicz, Gotlibs, Gotlieb, Gotlob, Gotlobe, Gotloeb, Gotthilf, Gottlieb, Gottliebova, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlow, Gutfrajnd, Gutleben, Gutlove
The Chronology of the Goodlove, Godlove, Gottlob, Gottlober, Gottlieb (Germany, Russia, Czech etc.), and Allied Families of Battaile, (France), Crawford (Scotland), Harrison (England), Jackson (Ireland), LeClere (France), Lefevre (France), McKinnon (Scotland), Plantagenets (England), Smith (England), Stephenson (England?), Vance (Ireland from Normandy), and Winch (England, traditionally Wales), including correspondence with George Rogers Clarke, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson,and ancestors Andrew Jackson, and William Henry Harrison.
The Goodlove Family History Website:
http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/g/o/o/Jeffery-Goodlove/index.html
The Goodlove/Godlove/Gottlieb families and their connection to the Cohenim/Surname project:
• New Address! http://www.familytreedna.com/public/goodlove/default.aspx
• • Books written about our unique DNA include:
• “Abraham’s Children, Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People” by Jon Entine.
•
• “ DNA & Tradition, The Genetic Link to the Ancient Hebrews” by Rabbi Yaakov Kleiman, 2004.
“Jacob’s Legacy, A Genetic View of Jewish History” by David B. Goldstein, 2008.
Birthday: Cordelia Pyle Goodlove
This Day….
October 21, 1096: During the First Crusade, the Turks destroyed the portion of the Crusader army led by Peter the Hermit. Peter escaped and joined the main crusader army. The main body took Jerusalem in 1099. The Crusaders slaughtered the Jews of Europe as they made their way to the Holy land. When they got to Jerusalem, they continued their bloody behavior as they slaughtered the Jews living in David’s City.[1]
1096-1192: Migration of Jews from North Eastern Germany to Grodno, Poland.[2]
1098
In 1098 Godfrey of Boullion had stormed the walls of the Holy City and massacred the Muslim defenders by the thousands. The stone streets of Jerusalem ran with blood, through which the victorious Crusaders waded before falling to their knees in a mass of thanksgiving at the Holy Sepulcher. [3]
October 21, 1770. Got abt. 32 Miles further and Incampd abt. 3 Miles below little Bever Ck[4].
October 2Ist, 1770:.—Left our encampment about six o’clock, and breakfasted at Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Croghan and company about five o’clck. At eleven we came to the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, opposite to which is a good situation for a house, and above it, on the same side, that is the west, there appears to be a fine body of land. About five miles lower down, on the east side, comes in Raccoon Creek, at the mouth of which, and up it, appears to be a body of good land also. All the land between this creek and the Mohongahela, and for fifteen miles back. is claimed by Colonel Croghan, under a purchase from the Indians. which sale he says is confirmed by his Majesty. Ott this creek, where the branches thereof interlock with the Waters of Shuitee’s Creek, there is, according to Colonel Croghan’s account, a body of fine, rich, level land. This tract he wants to sell, and offers it at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, with an exemption of quit. rents for twenty years ; after which, to be subject to the payment of four shillings and two-pence sterling per hundred acres ; provided he can sell it in ten thousand acre lots. At present, the unsettled state of this country renders any purchase dangerous. From Raccoon Creek to Little Beaver Creek, appears to me to be little short of ten miles, and about three miles below this, we encamped ; after hiding a barrel of biscuit[5] on an island, to lighten our canoe.
Sunday October 21, 1770: Left our Incampment abt. 6 Oclock & breakfasted at the Logs Town, where we parted with Colo. Croghan&a. abt. 9 Oclock. At 11 we came to the Mouth of big Bever Creek,1 opposite[6]
George Washington to George Croghan, October 21, 1771, Account Book 2
Mount Vernon, October 21, 1771.
Dear Sir: Your favour of the 18th. of August, never came to my hands till about the middle of this month. In answer to it, I shall beg leave to observe that, the Township contain’d in the Plat you sent me, includes more Land than I shou’d choose, or that would be convenient for me to purchase; and I suppose by your laying the Grant off in that manner, and offering me a Loll, instead of 15,000 acres which I proposed to buy, that you do not icline to sell less in a parcel, for which reason I must decline the purchase altogether, unless I can get some person to join me, and at present I know of none that chooses to be concerned; but as I am going to Williamsburg in a few days, it is possible I may meet with some Gentlemen there who may incline to engage in this Scheme, in which case, I will write to you by the first opportunity after my return, and let you know more of my Sentiments on the subject of your offer, than at present I am able to do, in the mean while I have only to request that you may not disappoint yourself of a Bargain on my account.
I am much obliged to you for your kind assurances in favour of Captn. Crawford, and shall add nothing more at present than that I am with very great esteem, Dr. Sir, etc.[7]
October 21st, 1772: Set of for Williamsburg. Dined at Colchester & lodgd in Dumfries. Mrs. Washington Mr. & Miss Custis with me.[8]
October 21, 1774: …Last Friday was two weeks [October 21] Logan a famous Chief[9] went home with a little boy a son of Roberts on Holston & two of Blackmores Negroes. He said He had taken them on the Fronteers next the Cherokee Country & had killed I think either 5 or 7 people. The boy and Negroes will be soon in.
It is a general opinion in the Govrs. Army that the peace with the Shawnese will be lasting.[10]
Many of our wounded men died since the Accounts of the battle came in, I think there are near 70 dead. Capt. Buford & Lieut. Goldman & 7 or 8 more died whilst we were over Ohio & more will yet die.
Colo. Fleming is in a fair way to recover and I think out of danger if he don’t catch cold. Him & Capt. Dickeson sett of[f] Monday was a week from the Point in a Canoe & will come from Elk or Kellys on horseback. All the wounded are coming in who Can ride, some must Stay until they get better.
I dare say the Army is now scattered from Elk to the levels, perhaps from Point pleasant to the Warm Springs, all in little Companys. Many of the Fincastle men crossed at Pt. Pleasant & intended to steer for Clinch. Others at Kellys. I beg of you if you can get any Oppy. To inform Mrs. Fleming of her husbands being on his way, He walks about constantly all day. He had plenty of people to take care of him.
Colo. Lewis I think will be in the first of next week, perhaps some longer. When I saw the Govr. He said he would hasten to Wm.burg to meet the Assembly whom he expected would adjourn from day to day, until he could get there. He will go very quick.
Pray show this to Mr. Madison. I will see him the last of this week I hope on my way to Hanover. If I knew certainly of yr. coming up Catawba I would go that way to meet you. I wish the other road may please you as well.
I am Sir as usual Yours Ever[11]
WM Christian
October 21, 1777
Reedy Island was on the Jersey shore, and Fort Mercer stood on it. Col. Christopher Green, a very capable officer, had been sent there by Washington, with a force of Continental troops.
Opposite, on the Pennsylvania side, was Fort Miffin, on Mud Island, separated from the main land by a narrow channel, and strengthened by war vessels, floating batteries, etc. Some works were thrown up against it and manned by Hessians.
The Americans made several attacks, but were always repulsed by Capt. v. Stamford, with the Grenadier battalion of v. Linsingen.
The English commander determined to seize Red Bank, and gave the order to Donop, an intelligent and bold soldier, and his force included the three Grenadier battalions of v. Linsingen, v. Minnigerode and v. Lengerke, Mirbach’s regiment, which had been ordered up from Wilmington, four light companies, including Wangenheim’s[12], a dozen cavalrymeu, some artillery and two English howitzers.[13]
• Franz Gotlop’s and his regiment was at Redbank.[1] …they formed the left end of the Hessian line at the attack on Fort Mercer in New Jersey, the Battle of Red Bank. Afterward went into barracks in Philadelphia. [1][14]
October 21, 1777
Early on 21 October Donop’s fated brigade crossed the Delaware on fourteen flatboats. ‘As I crossed the Delaware with Donop,’ wrote O’Reilly, ‘and saw the brigade alone at daybreak, without an Englishman, without guides, without heavy artillery, and without one English general, I shuddered for the consequences.[15] The first wave started at six o’clock, but the artillery carts were not across until two in the afternoon. An hour later, the Jáger having scouted the route to Redbank down the Haddonfield road, Donop set off, Ewald and some sixty Jáger leading. Captain Lorey and another Jáger detachment were left behind to bring on the last ammunition wagons. The brigade leaguered for the night in Haddonfield, the troops lying on their arms in a square. The next morning they resumed their march at four o’clock, and after a delay at Newton’s Creek, where the bridge had been broken, they reached a point within two miles of Redbank at one o’clock in the afternoon. A captured rebel officer informed them that the garrison numbered 800, roughly 200 more than its actual strength.
Both Adam Ludwig Ochs and Quartermaster Ungar of Minnigerode’s battalion he after wrote that Donop, having neared the fort unseen by the garrison, should have stormed it promptly rather than alerting them to his presence by a summons. A letter of Major Sam. Ward to Washington shows that the Americans were, in fact, aware of Donop’s approach, a point which they tried to conceal by leaving their washing hanging out.[16]
Donop had three hours for his reconnaissance. Every indication is that it was inadequate. He did not appreciate that an outlying work to the east of the fort had been abandoned. According to his ADC, Lieutenant Carl von Heister, he did not even observe the enemy rowing galleys in the Delaware, their powerful armament able to enfilade an attacker’s flanks.[17] He did however realize that the works were complete and Howe’s instructions based on outdated information. Why did he not retire, or at least send for heavy artillery? Münchhausen does not hesitate to point out that Donop thought his orders were preemptory. Major Charles Stuart accompanied Donop on his reconnaissance, and both agreed on the impropriety of attacking without heavy guns. Donop said that if Stuart would advise him he would delay the attack, to which Stuart replied that he was too young (i.e. junior) and had not sufficient authority to have delay of the commander-in-chief’s orders rest on him.[18]
Stuart can hardly be blamed for this. Donop, an officer of experience and high reputation, should have been able to take the decision himself. Probably he wanted an Englishman to agree to the delay. Concepts of honour were then very strong, Donop commanded the elite of the Hessians, and was thirsting to achieve something for the honour of his corps. By O’Reilly’s account, he had also talked himself into a position where withdrawal would be personally humiliating. These reasons do not excuse his fatal [19] decision to attack. Nor is Howe blameless for failing to provide artillery because of bad intelligence.
The fort, a simple pentagonal redoubt with a sound earthen rampart, ditch, and abatis, was held by good Rhode Island troops under Colonel Christopher Greene. The too-extensive works had been converted by the French engineer Mauduit du Plessis into an ingenious trap: he abandoned the outlying defences, causing only one part, a salient angle, to be occupied by American sharp shooters, giving the impression that it was still held in its entirety.
The traditional summons to surrender, accompanied by a threat of no mercy to the survivors, possibly a bluff by Donop, was returned unflinchingly by Greene. The interval had been employed in making fascines, to be borne by one hundred men at the head of each battalion. Donop deployed his regiments in line, Minnigerode’s on the right, Mirbach’s in the middle, Linsing’s on the left. Lengerke’s battalion secured the line of retreat; the Jager protected the artillery and the flanks. Immediately upon the messenger returning to the corps with Greene’s reply to the summons, a brisk fire was begun upon the fort from the battalion guns and howitzers. Ewald and sixteen Jager marksmen peppered the top of the parapet making gravel and dust fly up with their good shooting; Donop and his officers placed themselves at the head of their men, and brought them on at a quick step. Minnigerode on the right entered and secured the detached work, Mauduit’s riflemen taking refuge in the main fort.[20] All three battalions were in the ditch when struck by a tremendous fire from the fort and in particular from the row-galleys on their flanks. These made particularly good execution, communicating to the garrison with ‘speaking tubes’. Hessian observers and participants described the galleys’ fire as decisive.[21] Within the fort, officers went about striking with rifle butts and hangers anyone who flinched from his post.[22]
All accounts agree that the attack was pressed with remarkable courage. Some of the grenadiers were actually killed in the embrasures. Others, realizing how hopeless the assault was, took refuge on the parapet below the walls, where they were captured. The loss in officers was heavy. Captain von Stamford, gallant as always, was the first to reach the embrasures before he fell, thrice wounded.[23] Donop himself had his hip shattered, and Lieutenant von Toll of Mirbach’s was shot down with several grenadiers trying to drag him off. Toll was only grazed, but his best friend Carl von Wurmb was killed, never having found his wealthy American heiress.[24] Colonel von Schieck of that regiment was also killed and Minnigerode wounded. After nearly forty minutes’ slaughter, the shattered remnants fled, leaving nearly 400 comrades killed, wounded, or captured.[25]
Donop was found beneath a pile of dead and dying, and taken to a Quaker’s house where he died after three days. Chastellux reported his last words as, ‘I die the victim of my ambition and of the avarice of my sovereign.’ This contrasts oddly with the enthusiasm Donop had previously shown for the America expedition, but is supported by the testimony of von Kalb.[26] Certainly he died unhappy, a sadly tragic figure, his unrealized ambitions the cause of his fate. Colonel von Loos reported him as saying, ‘I have done my duty as a soldier, but as a brigadier I have conducted affairs like a novice (wie em Fáhnrich gehandelt). What will the Landgraf say when he hears that I have lost so many men? For that I am greatly afraid.[27][28]
October 21, 1777
The 21st of October. About three o’clock in the morning the Jager Corps marched to Cooper’s Ferry118 on the Delaware. The Corps crossed the Delaware in flatboats with the three Hessian grenadier battalions, Linsing, Minnigerode, and Lengerke, along with the Mirbach Regiment under Colonel Schieck, and landed about eight o’clock in the Province of Jersey. I had the advanced guard with sixty jagers, followed by the Corps, the Minnigerode battalion, the Mirbach Regiment, two 6-pounders, two howitzers, the Lengerke and Linsing battalions, and Captain Lorey with twenty mounted jägers. This corps, under Colonel Donop, was ordered to seize by force Fort Red Bank,12° through which the garrison on Mud Island maintained its communication with the mainland. Colonel Donop had volunteered for this expedition.
This corps was still less than a half an hour away from the Delaware when it ran into an enemy party in the vicinity of Newton Township, which withdrew over Cooper’s Bridge toward Burlington. I pursued it up to the end of a wood, where I discovered several hundred men on both sides of Cooper’s Creek, with whom I skirmished until about four o’clock in the afternoon, after which time they withdrew. The colonel, who continued his march with the corps, had ordered me to occupy myself with the enemy until nightfall, and then to follow the corps to Haddonfield. He wanted to mislead the enemy and conceal his march. At eight o’clock in the evening I arrived at Haddonfield, where I found the corps encamped in a quadrangle on the heights.[29]
October 1, 1785…The farm which William Sparks describes in his will comprised 345 and 3/4 acres; the warrant far this land was dated April 8, 1785, and it was surveyed on October 21, 1785. Horn added that it was patented to Hugh Shotwell et al on March 16, 1806. (Perhaps Hugh Shotwell had married one of Sparks's daughters.)
William Sparks' s farm was located on the far southwest side of Franklin Township; Redstone Creek flowed through the farm of Joseph Barker which adjoined Sparks's farm on the southwest. Farms owned by the following individuals adjoined the farm owned by William Sparks:
On the south, Henry Grier.
On the southwest, Joseph Barker (by 1829 this was owned by Edward Jordun)
On the west, Elijah Barkley (by 1810 this was owned by Jonathan Sharpless)
Also on the west, James McCormick (by 1791 this was owned by William Ross)
On the north, John Wilkin.
On the north-east, John Allen.
Also on the north-east, Sparks's farm barely touched the land of Job Russell.
On the east, Theophilus Phillips (by 1799 this was owned by John Gibson)
On the south-east, James Rittenhouse.
Other close neighbors of William Sparks were: Robert Tate, Isaac Hill, James Dunlap, Thomas Grier, John M. Austin, Matthew McCoy, Thomas Muir, Jonathan Addis, Daniel Wetzel, George Wetzel, Isaac Quick, John Lowrey, and John Shotwell.
Little is known regarding the farm on which William Sparks lived other than its location and the fact that William Sparks received the warrant for it in 1785. In all probability, however, be had lived on this land for a number of years prior to his receiving the warrant. The section of Pennsylvania in which William Sparks lived was claimed by both Pennsylvania and Virginia prior to the American Revolution, and it was only after the war with Great Britain was ended that Congress ruled that the area belonged to Pennsylvania. It was only then that Warrants were finally issued to settlers by the state of Pennsylvania.
Few records have been found pertaining to the ownership of William Sparks's farm following his death in 1788. On August 30, 1796, William's son, 7.3 James Sparks, sold the 80 acres which he bad inherited as his portion of his father's farm to Joe Hill for 200 pounds. James Sparks was identified in this deed (recorded in Fayette County Deed Book E, page 121) as 'of Mason County, Kentucky'; James's wife is called Anna Sparks (also Annie Sparks) in this deed, and the 80 acres are described as being 'on Redstone Creek' and adjoining Richard Phillips, Joseph Barker, Elizabeth Barkley, and James's brother, 7.8 John Sparks. The witnesses were Hugh Shotwell, Richard Phillips, and Edward Jordan.
Two other references have been found among the official records of Fayette County which pertain to children of William Sparks. When William's daughter, 7.4 Rachel Sparks, was fourteen years old, she requested the court to appoint Edward Hall as her guardian. (Hall's farm was located on Redstone Creek, a few farms below that of William Sparks.) There is the possibility that Rachel Sparks, William's widow, had married Edward Hall.
On March 25, 1799, John Allen petitioned the Orphan' s Court of Fayette County to have a guardian appointed for John Sparks, whom he described in his petition as a minor who 'hath a Certain Tract of Land Left to him by his Father William Sparks Deceased, which Land is very much Abused &c & said lad having been Exceedingly hurt by a Wound he Received the Beginning of this last Winter.' Allen suggested that either David Arnold or James Byers be chosen as guardian, but no-record has been found to reveal what action was taken.
William Sparks was a militia officer at the time of the American Revolution. By January 3, 1778, he was Captain of the First Company of the Fourth Battalion of the Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, Militia. (Note that until 1783, the area that became Fayette County was included in Westmoreland County.) According to the Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, Vol. 2, p. 306, William Sparks was elected and commissioned captain on January 3, 1778. The colonel in command was named Davis. In the book called Frontier Defense in the Upper Ohio, 1777-1778, Vol. III, Draper Series, by Reuben Gold Thwaites and Louise P. Kellogg, published by the Wisconsin Historical Society in 1912, page 305, there is a muster roll 'of Wèstmoreland Militia ordered out on an expedition to Indian Country by Brigadier General Edward Hand commanded by Col. Alex Barr from 10 February to 10 March 1778'; here, also, Captain William Sparks and Company are listed in the 4th Battalion. Another reference appears on page 335 of the Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, Vol. 2; this is a payroll of the Westmoreland County Militia for a mission which had lasted for 10 days, from October 16, 1781, to October 25, 1781; here also William Sparks is listed as a Captain.
There are a number of references in the years following the American Revolution to Sparks Fort in some instances it was called Sparks Blockhouse. According to The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania by C. Hale Sipe, published in 1931, Sparks Blockhouse 'was erected about the beginning of the Revolutionary War in Perry Township, Fayette County.' In the Report of the Commission to Locate the Sites of the Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania, published in 1896 by the State Printing Office, Vol. 2, pages 396-397, Sparks Fort is identified as 'on the south side of the Youghiogheny' and is mentioned 'as one of the places where the people of one of the districts into which Westmoreland County was divided for the election of a representative in the convention of 1776 to form a Constitution met and held their election.' The authors go on to state that Sparks Fort 'was near Burn's Ford in what is now Perry Township.' Among the Draper Papers in the Wisconsin State Historical Library is an interview which Draper had with John Crawford who recalled that he had settled in the 'Red Stone country in 1772;' by this he meant he had settled along Redstone Creek which flowed through the farm adjoining that of William Sparks. Crawford stated that the Indians did a great deal of mischief in 1777 and that his family had lived during that time 'In Sparks's Fort.' (Crawford explained that the reason the creek was named Redstone was that the Indians had got the red paint from there which they used for war paint.)
It would seem very probable that Sparks Fort was named for Captain William Sparks, although it was located, apparently, in Perry Township while we know that William Sparks's farm was located in Franklin Township. These two townships do adjoin, however.
The tax list of 1783 for Franklin Township, Westmoreland County (now in Fayette County) has been preserved and has been published in the Pennsylvania Archives, Series, Vol. 22. On page 388, William Sparks is listed as taxed on 300 acres of land, 2 horses, 3 cattle, and 7 sheep. It is also stated that there were 9 white inhabitants in his household. On this same tax list there is an Isaac Sparks listed as taxed on 100 acres, 1 horse, 3 cattle, and 6 sheep. In Isaac's household there were 7 white inhabitants. It seems highly unlikely that this Isaac Sparks could have been William' son, since Isaac was only fifteen years old in 1783. Only William Sparks appeared on the 1785 tax list (page 548) and on the 1786 tax list (page 601). Perhaps the name Isaac Sparks was incorrectly copied from the 1783 tax list and was intended for someone else.
Although conclusive documentary evidence has not been found, there is strong circumstantial evidence, and the writer of these notes is convinced that Captain William Sparks (died 1788) of Franklin Township, Fayette County, is the same William Sparks who was living on Coxes Creek near the present site of Somerset in Somerset County, Pennsylvania, in 1771. (Somerset County adjoins Fayette County on the east; in 1771 both were included in Bedford County.) Our limited information regarding William Sparks on Coxes Creek is found in the published extracts of a diary kept by Herman Husband, a rather famous Quaker from North Carolina, who settled on Coxes Creek in 1771. Unfortunately, the diary was lost in a fire many years ago, so we must rely only on portions of it that had been published earlier. In 1906, before the diary was burned, extracts were published in a History of Somerset County by Welfley. According to this account, Husband greatly opposed slavery, and the governor of North Carolina (Tryon) became so angry with his agitation against slavery that he called for his arrest. Husband fled North Carolina, and he eventually appeared on Coxes Creek in what is now Somerset County, Pennsylvania. This creek had been named for Isaac Cox, a native of Cecil County, Maryland, and Cox and Husband had once been friends. According to the Husband diary, he arrived at this creek on June 6, 1771.
Upon his arrival on Coxes Creek, Herman Husband found a small cabin roofed with bark and grass; since a storm was coming up, he entered the cabin and spent the night. He wrote the following in his diary the next day: 'I passed the night very comfortably, and awoke about dawn. The rain had subsided, but the atmosphere was dense with fog and twilight lingered around my couch. I lay for some time watching the increase of day as the light forced its way through each crevice in the hut, until I could at length distinguish objects and the interior arrangements of my sleeping room. The first and most agreeable sight was a half-dozen of venison hams that were suspended from the ridge pole of the roof. This at once removed my apprehensions of suffering for want of food, even if the hunter did not soon return. In another place was a heavy rifle, hung on wooden hooks fastened to the sides of the cabin. In one corner stood a hoe and an axe, and above them hung a pair of steel traps. A bundle of skins rolled up in another place made up the principal amount of stock on hand at this time.'
Husband later noted in his diary that the owner of the cabin appeared the following noon and that the owner' s name was WILLIAM SPARKS. Sparks told Husband that Isaac Cox lived about three miles to the northwest, but that Cox had just left for a week of hunting. In his diary, Husband referred to Sparks and Cox as hunters, and the implication is that Sparks had come from Maryland as had Cox. Other individuals mentioned in the diary as being neighbors of Sparks and Cox were three brothers named Wright, Quilla White, John Penrod, Sr. & Jr., John Vansel, Peter Bucher, Wilson, Wills, Purzley, and Rhoads. Since Husband was running away from arrest, he asked Sparks not to reveal his name, suggested that he introduce him as 'Tuscape Death,' but Sparks called him the 'Old Quaker' instead.
We learn through Husband's diary that William Sparks, Isaac Cox, and the other settlers on Coxes Creek were interested primarily in trapping beaver. He did note that Sparks had a good patch of potatoes, however. He also noted that in the fall of 1771, Sparks and Cox made a journey to Bedford Village (which is now the seat of justice of Bedford County) and there learned that their settlement would be part of the new County of Bedford, and that other settlers would soon be coming in. Cox then sold his camp to Husband, and William Sparks made plans to move further west. Husband quoted Sparks as saying: 'It is just as Cox said, as soon as settlers come the beaver will leave, and I don't care to follow them any further.'
In the Spring of 1772, according to Husband's diary, William Sparks, the two Penrods (father and son), and John Vansel, loaded up their stock of beaver and deer skins and left 'for his annual visit to the settlements.' When Sparks came back, Husband noted that he brought with him a mare which he had bought and some cattle that he had purchased from a man named Stoner who lived on the Juniata River in what is now Huntingdon County. Then in the fall of 1772, Mrs. Husband joined her husband and William Sparks went to fetch his wife. Mrs. Husband and Mrs. Sparks were the only women in the settlement that winter. Mrs. Husband had five children by that time, but no mention is made of any Sparks children nor is the first name of Mrs. Sparks ever mentioned in the portion of Husband's diary that was published before it was lost.
According to Husband's diary, during the winter of 1773 one of the parents of Mrs. Sparks died, leaving family matters in such shape that it was decided that William Sparks and his wife should move to the homestead in the Juniata country. Husband then purchased his improvements and Sparks is mentioned no more in the diary.
It is the belief of the present writer (R.E.B.) that sometime after 1773, William Sparks moved from his father-in-law's homestead 'in the Juniata country' to what became Franklin Township, Fayette County, Pennsylvania, a distance of about 70 miles. There is also reason to believe that the maiden name of Mrs. Sparks was Stoner. Husband stated in his diary that Sparks had purchased his cattle from a man named Stoner. We have also found a deed recorded in Bedford County (Book C, p. 133) dated June 26, 1770, by which William Sparks sold to Fillip Stoner, late of Cannegojigg (?) Settlement, Tanner, for five shillings 'my right to application dated 6 February 1767 for 100 acres on South side Juniata, including my improvement, in Cumberland County.'
William Sparks died sometime between March 24, 1788, the day on which he made his will, and May 6, 1788, the day on which the will was filed for probate. He was probably very ill when he decided he should make his will. Two years later, when the 1790 census was taken, William Sparks's widow, Rachel Sparks, was listed as 'Widow Sparks'; her household was enumerated as consisting of 1 male over 16 years of age; 2 males under 16, and 5 females. She herself would have been one of the females, leaving 4 daughters. Since William Sparks named 5 daughters in his will, we may assume that one had probably married by 1790. The male over 16 would have been the son, 7.2 William Jr., and the 2 males under 16 were 7.3 James and 7.8 John. The oldest son, 7.1 Isaac Sparks, had married by 1790 and was living in his own home near his mother. Isaac's household was enumerated as consisting of one male over 16 (himself) and one female (probably his wife).
We have searched the 1800, the 1810, and 1820 census records of Fayette County and in none of these are there persons named Sparks in Franklin Township. There were Sparkses in Washington Township, but that family came from New Jersey and was in no way connected with the family of William Sparks in Franklin Twp. Rachel Sparks, widow of William, may have re-married prior to 1800, or perhaps she had died. Since only the heads of households were named in census reports prior to 1850, she might have been living with a married daughter in 1800. (See the Quarterly of December, 1964, Vol. XII, No. 4, Whole No. 48, pages 865-872, for material on the Washington Township Sparks family.)
It would seem that none of the sons of William Sparks remained permanently in Franklin Township, Fayette County, Pennsylvania.
From William Sparks's will, we know that he had four sons (7.1 Isaac, William, James, and John) and five daughters (7.4 Rachel, 7.5 Margaret, 7.6 Elizabeth, 7.7 Sarah, and 7.9 Ann).
7.1 Isaac Sparks, eldest son of William and Rachel Sparks, was born, according to the inscription on his tombstone, on November 24, 1768, and he died in or near Cincinnati, Ohio, on August 21, 1834. The will of Isaac Sparks was printed in the Quarterly of June 1962 (Vol. X, No. 2, Whole No. 38, p. 657) and additional notes appeared in the Quarterly of September 1966 (Vol. XIV, No. 3, Whole No. 55, pp. 1009-1010). A descendant of Isaac Sparks, Buell McCash of Columbia, Missouri, descends from Isaac's eldest daughter, Elizabeth (born 1793, died 1825) who married James McCash (1788-1871). Mr. McCash owns the Bible which Isaac Sparks purchased, according to a notation made at the time, in Cincinnati in the year 1819. Isaac had settled in springfield Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, by the spring of 1818. He was a justice of the peace there from 1818 to 1820. Isaac Sparks married Sarah Hankins (or Hawkins) who died on December 17, 1825; she was called Sally. Isaac later married as his second wife Sarah who died on March 14, 1839, aged 31 years and 5 months.
We have no references to 7.2 William Sparks, second son of William Sparks other than the reference to him in 1788 in his father's will.
7.3 James Sparks, third son of William and Rachel Sparks, had married Anna and was living in Mason County, Kentucky, in 1796 when he sold a portion of his father's farm. There are references to James Sparks among the land records of Mason County as late as 1807, but we have not been able to locate him in subsequent records.
The fourth son of William and Rachel Sparks was named 7.8 John. As noted earlier, a neighbor named John Allen petitioned the Orphans' Court of Fayette County on March 25, 1799, to have a guardian appointed for John, still a minor at that time, and he referred to the fact that John had been injured in some way the previous winter. We have no further record of John Sparks in Franklin Township, but when the 1810 census of German Township, Fayette County, was taken, a John Sparks was listed as aged between 16 and 26 (born 1784-1794). In his household was a female aged 16 to 26 (born 1784-1794) and two females under 10 years (born 1800-1810). German Township borders Redstone and Menallen Townships on southwest and is only about ten miles from Franklin Township. What became of John Sparks after 1810 is not known.
Nothing is known of the five daughters of William Sparks, although a query appeared in the Hartford Times (C9850-3) a number of years ago asking for the parentage of Nancy Sparks who had been born in 1772 and had married George Beal (born 1767) who died in Guernsey County, Ohio. In this query it was stated that 'Nancy has been called daughter of William and Rachel Sparks, also of John Sparks, Jr.' In his will, of course, William Sparks did not name a daughter as Nancy, but his daughter Ann could have been called Nancy.
Although additional information on William Sparks (died. 1788) will probably be found, it has been thought wise to publish these notes at this time in the hope that someone may obtain clues from then to enable us to provide a more complete record at a later date. [30]
October 21, 1797
[31]
U.S.S. Constitution in Charleston, MA.
The most celebrated ship in American history is berth in Charlestown Navy Yard, her home port for most of her life. One of the U. S. Navy’s first vessels, U. S. S. Constitution was launched on October 21, 1797, to protect American merchant ships from depredations by Algerian pirates, and by the British and French navies. Invincible in war, this venerable ship has also survived numerous attempts at peacetime destruction. Now the oldest commissioned warship afloat in the world, Constitution has been the pride of our nation’s naval heritage for over two centuries.[32]
October 21-22, 1861: Battle of Balls Bluff, VA.
[36]
Fri. October 21
Moved back to the old camp on battlefield[1]
The dead not all buried yet enemy still
Retreating cold rain at night
Drawed clothing a & rations
October 21, 1941: Thousands of Jews are murdered at Kraljevo, Yugoslavia.[39]
October 21, 1941: Residents of the Jewish community at Koidanov, Belorussia, are murdered.[40]
The Nazis executed 10,000 Jews of the Vilna ghetto.[41]
• October 21, 1942: At Szczebrzeszyn, the final Jews remaining were rounded up in a night of fierce and deadly slaughter. Those who were not shot were taken to Belzec. In Zwierzyniec, more Jews were rounded up.
October 21, 1943: During the final Aktion in Minsk, 2,000 Jews are killed at Maly Trostinets.[42]
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[1] This Day in Jewish History
[2] Tracing your Jewish DNA for Familoy History and & Ancestry, by Anne Hart, page 19,
[3] Warriors of God by James Reston Jr, page 9.
[4] Little Beaver Creek empties into the Ohio from the north, about 42 miles from Fort Pitt (Pownall, TopographicalDescription, 166).
[5] Biscuits. A staple for settlers all year long. Ethnic groups had their own favorites. Basically, the ingredients were a combination of flour mixed with sweet milk (or buttermilk), butter (or lard), soda or baking powder, salt (and sometimes sugar also) kneaded and molded into small biscuits and baked in an oven (maybe fifteen minutes). Many settlers preferred cornmeal biscuits, which were normally cornmeal, buttermilk, soda, salt, sugar, and egg.
Remembrance: "Pass the biscuits, Mirandy—pass ‘em and kiss me goodbye, They’re so heavy Mirandy, I feel like I’m a gonna die….”
http://www.thelittlelist.net/bactoblu.htm
[6] The Diaries of George Washington. Vol. 2. Donald Jackson, ed.; Dorothy Twohig, assoc. ed. The Papers of George Washington. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976.
[7] The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 03
[8] George Washington Journal
[9] The following brief biography of Logan is abridged from a manuscript life in the Draper MSS., 2D, chap. 12. The father of Logan was a French child who, captured when quite young, had been adopted into the Oneida tribe, and became a chief of much influence among the Indians of the Susquehann. Logan’s mother was a Cayuga, hence this was his tribe. For many years he lived at Shamokin (now Sunbury), in the Susquehanna valley, and was usually known as John Shikellimo, his appellation Logan being in honor of James Logan, secretary of the province; his Indian name was Tachnechdorus (branching oak of the forest). During the French and Indian War he maintained a strict neutrality, even seeking refuge in Philadelphia from the wiles of the savage allies of the French. Obliged to abandon his ancestrial home, he lived in various places in Pennsylvania, for several years in the Kishacoquillas valley, whose pioneers later told tales of his kindness, generosity, and general goodwill except when under the influence of liquor. About 1772, he removed to the Ohio, and it was at his town on Yellow Creek that the affray occurred on April 30, 1774, that has been cited as the occasion for Dunmore’s War. Having glutted his vengeance by four prolonged raids, during the summer after the negotiations with Lord Dunmore for peace had begun. The date of his arrival, as here given by Christian, is proof that he was not in the battle at Point Pleasant. Noticing his absence, Lord Dunmore sent his interpreter, John Gibson, to bring him to the conference. Logan refused to go, and upon that occasion delivered the now famous speech, so generally quoted as an example of Indian eloquence, to which Jefferson paid high tribute in his “Notes on Virginia”. There grew up an animated controversy concerning the genuineness of this speech, and its attribution of the murder to Cresap. It is now admitted that the substance of the speech, as it has come down to us, was actually delivered by Logan, but that he was mistaken in attributing the murder of his family to Cresap. See Jacob, Life of Cresap; Mayer, Logan and Cresap (especially documents in appendix to edition of 1867); Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 236-239, 347-352. The rest of Logan’s life is sunk in obscurity. He removed to Pluggy’s Town, on the Scioto, then to the watersof Mad River, in Logan County, and later to the neighborhood of Detroit. He saved Kenton from the stake in 1778, and the next year was recognized in a savage raiding party in southwest Virginia. See Draper MSS., 5QQ11. He was killed by one of his own relatives on his way home from Detroit in 1780. His epitaph may be given in his own statement, that “he knew he had two souls, the one good and the other bad; when the good soul had the ascendant, he was kind and humane, and when the bad soul ruled, he was perfectly savage, and delighted in nothing but blood and carnage.” See Amer. Pioneer, I, p. 350. Dunmore’s War, Thwaites and Kellogg pp. 305-306
[10] See letter of Arthur St. Clair, Dec. 4, 1774 in Penna. Archives, iv, pp. 386, 387. p. 306.
[11] Dunmore’s War, by Thwaites and Kellogg, pp. 301-307
[12] (Wangenheim of the v. Linsing Battalion was on Franz Gottlops recruit ship JG)
[13] The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence, 1779-1783 by Max v. Eelking
[14] [1] This summary of the activities of the Hessian grenadier battalions is drawn principally from Baurmeister. JF
[1] JG
[15] Schweinsburg, ‘Briefe eines hessischen Olfiziers’, p. 309. O’Reilly was not strictly accurate: the expedition was accompanied by Major Charles Stuart and two British howitzers.
[16] Ochs, Betrachtungen uber die neuere Kriegslcunst (Kassel, 1817), p. 38; StaMarburg 12.111 Ba15 (Journal of Minnigerode’s battalion), fols. 101—2; Washington, Wrztzngs, ix, p. 422 n.
[17] Heister, ‘Tagebuch eines vormaligen kurhessischen Offiziers’, p. 262; see also Ewald, Belehrungen, II, p. 16.
[18] Stuart-Wortley, Prime Minister and Son, p. 117. A somewhat different account of this is given by Samuel S. Smith, Fight for the Delaware 1777 (Monmouth Beach, NJ, 1970), pp.20—l, based on Ewald’s journal. He mistakenly refers to Stuart as ‘Stewart’.
[19]The Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North America in the year 1780, 1781 and 1782 (2 vols.London, 1837), I, p. 261.
[20] Hence American accounts all speak of an attack made in two columns.
[21]Smith, Fight for the Delaware, p. 22; Feihtzsch, fol. 27; Heister, ‘Tagebuch eines vormaligen kurhessischen Offiziers’, p. 263; StaMarburg 12.11 i Ba 15, fol. 103; ibid, 4h.412. nr. 4, fol. 87; and Johann Carl Buettner, Buettner der Amerikaner: ezne Selbstbzographze (Camenz, 1828), p. 52.
[22]Smith, Fight for the Delaware, p. 23.
[23]Ditfurth, Das Leibgarde-Regzrnent, p. 42.
[24]Hammer, Frlederzke von Wurmb, pp. 150—2.
[25]The official return in StaMarburg 4h.410. nr. 2, fol. 107 gives 371 as the total loss, but both O’Reilly and Lt Rueffer of Mirbach’s give a higher figure. Col George Osborne gave 127 as the number killed. Eelking, Hilfstruppen, i, pp. 222—3; CO5/95, fol. 438, Osborne to Germain, 26 Oct. 1777. Besides sources in previous footnotes, my account of the battle is based on StaMarburg 4h.410. nr. 2, fols. 109—10, Lt Werner’s account, 25 Oct.; 4h.412. nr. 5, fol. 64, Baurmeister to the Erbprinz; and Evelyn M. Acomb, The Revolutionaiy Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen 1780—1781 (Chapel Hill, 1958), PP. 121—2.
[26] Chastellux, Travels in America, ~, p. 266 (also quoted in Kapp, Soldatenhandel, pp. 222—3); Huth, ‘Letters from a Mercenary’ p. 489; Stevens, Facsimiles, VIII, nr. 757, de Kalb to the Comte de Broglie, 2 Nov. 1777.
[27]Jungkenn 1:55, Loos to Jungkenn, 30 Nov. 1777. Dr Fischer of Stadtarchiv Frankfurt kindly gave me this last information.
[28] The Hessians by Rodney Atwood 123-127
[29]Diary of the American War A Hessian Journal by Captain Johann Ewald
[30] http://www.sparksfamilyassn.org/pages/061-D.html
[31] Photo by Jeff Goodlove, November 24, 2009.
[32] The Complete Guide to Boston’s Freedom Trail, Third Edition by Charles Bahne, page 63-64.
[33] History of Linn County pgs. 374-375 Public Library of Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
[34] Winton Goodlove:A History of Central City Ia and the Surrounding Area Book ll 1999
[35] Linda Pedersen Papers
[36] Footnote.com
[37] During the remainder of the month of October the regiment participated in the various movements of its brigade and division in the Shenandoah Valley, but did not again come into contact with any considerable force of the enemy.
(Roster of Iowa Soldiers in the War of the Rebellion Vol. III, 24th Regiment-Infantry.
http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ia/county/linn/civil war/24th/24 history p2.htm
[38] William Harrison Goodlove Civil War Diary annotated by Jeff Goodlove
[39] This Day in Jewish History
[40] This Day in Jewish History.
[41] This day in Jewish History.
[42] Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Israel Gutman, Editor, page 1777.
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